{"id":30221,"date":"2014-06-05T02:55:55","date_gmt":"2014-06-05T07:55:55","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/akunq.net\/tr\/?p=30221"},"modified":"2014-06-05T02:55:55","modified_gmt":"2014-06-05T07:55:55","slug":"30221","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/akunq.net\/turkish\/2014\/06\/05\/30221\/","title":{"rendered":""},"content":{"rendered":"
\"\u0130rfan<\/a>
\u0130rfan Aktan
Gazeteci<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Gazeteci \u0130rfan Aktan’a g\u00f6re K\u00fcrt kimli\u011fi ink\u00e2ra kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015ftirilen direni\u015fler \u00fczerinden yeniden \u015fekillendi. Ancak g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde ink\u00e2r bitmedi, sadece form de\u011fi\u015ftirdi. \u0130nkar bitip normalle\u015fme d\u00f6nemi geldi\u011fi zaman, K\u00fcrt kimli\u011finin i\u00e7eri\u011fine dair de hararetli bir tart\u0131\u015fma ba\u015flayacak. Aktan’a g\u00f6re T\u00fcrkiyelile\u015firken ayn\u0131 zamanda K\u00fcrdistanla\u015fmak isteyen K\u00fcrtler ge\u00e7mi\u015fleriyle y\u00fczle\u015fmeye T\u00fcrklerden daha fazla haz\u0131rlar.<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Uzun y\u0131llar s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ink\u00e2r\u0131 K\u00fcrt kimli\u011fini ne \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde bi\u00e7imlendirdi? Belirleyici bir unsur oldu mu?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Bence oldu. K\u00fcrt kimli\u011finin esas olarak ink\u00e2ra kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015ftirilen direni\u015fler \u00fczerinden yeniden \u015fekillendi\u011fini s\u00f6yleyebiliriz bence. Cumhuriyet \u00f6ncesinde, hatta cumhuriyetin ilan\u0131ndan bir s\u00fcre sonra da K\u00fcrt kimli\u011finin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ink\u00e2r edilmiyor. \u0130nk\u00e2r, T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin sonradan ke\u015ffetti\u011fi tek\u00e7i ulus-devlet modelinin sadece bir prati\u011fi. Hikmet Tanyu\u2019nun \u201cAtat\u00fcrk ve T\u00fcrk Milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi\u201d isimli, 1961\u2019de bas\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olan kitab\u0131nda aktard\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir rivayet veya anekdot, K\u00fcrt kimli\u011finin ink\u00e2r\u0131n\u0131n nas\u0131l ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bence \u00e7ok iyi \u00f6zetliyor. Anekdotu kitaptan okuyay\u0131m istersen.<\/p>\n

Tanyu \u201colay\u0131\u201d \u015f\u00f6yle anlat\u0131yor: \u201cMuhaf\u0131z Alay\u0131 erlerinden ikisi \u00c7ankaya k\u00f6\u015fk\u00fcn\u00fcn bah\u00e7esinde g\u00fcre\u015fe tutu\u015fmu\u015f, di\u011fer erler de onlar\u0131 seyrediyordu. Otomobillerin sesi, erlerin hemen ka\u00e7\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na sebep olmu\u015ftu. Atat\u00fcrk k\u00f6\u015fke geliyordu. B\u00fcy\u00fck Ata otomobilini durdurdu ve bir el i\u015faretiyle ka\u00e7\u0131\u015fan erleri yan\u0131na \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rd\u0131. Bilhassa g\u00f6mle\u011fini, fanilas\u0131n\u0131 giymeye vakit bulamayan pehlivan erlerden biri fazla heyecanl\u0131yd\u0131. Ata\u2019n\u0131n yan\u0131na korka korka yana\u015ft\u0131. \u2018Ne yap\u0131yorsunuz burada?\u2019 Ata\u2019n\u0131n sualine bir onba\u015f\u0131 cevap vermi\u015fti: \u2018G\u00fcre\u015fiyorduk Pa\u015fam!\u2019 Ata memnun olmu\u015ftu, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc g\u00fcre\u015fi pek severdi. \u2018Peki, dedi, devam edin \u00f6yleyse!\u2019 Erler \u00e7ekingenlik g\u00f6sterince, Atat\u00fcrk \u0131srar etti: \u2018G\u00fcre\u015fin g\u00fcre\u015fin, dedi, ben de seyredece\u011fim. Yaln\u0131z \u00f6nce kimin ba\u015fpehlivan oldu\u011funu \u00f6\u011freneyim.\u2019 Ata\u2019n\u0131n yan\u0131na gelen yar\u0131 soyunuk, \u00e7ok heyecanl\u0131 olan\u0131 bir ad\u0131m \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131: \u2018Benim Efendim\u2019. \u2018Ad\u0131n ne senin?\u2019 \u2018K\u00fcrt Memet\u2019. \u2018K\u00fcrt\u2019 s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc duyan Atat\u00fcrk ka\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7atm\u0131\u015ft\u0131, fakat bir an sonra tekrar m\u00fctebessim bir \u00e7ehre ile pehlivana mukabelede bulunmu\u015flard\u0131: \u2018Kurt gibi kuvvetli oldu\u011fun i\u00e7in mi sana Kurt Memet diyorlar?\u2019 \u2018K\u00fcrt Memet\u2019 k\u00f6yl\u00fcyd\u00fc, okumam\u0131\u015ft\u0131 ama Ata\u2019n\u0131n kasdetmek istedi\u011fini hemen kavrad\u0131: \u2018Evet Pa\u015fam, dedi, benim ad\u0131m Kurt Memettir. Yanl\u0131\u015f s\u00f6yledim demin.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

Bence Hikmet Tanyu\u2019nun aktard\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu hik\u00e2ye bize devletin K\u00fcrtlerle ili\u015fkisini en iyi \u00f6zetleyen olaylardan biri. Bir kere devlet, ink\u00e2rc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ink\u00e2r etmiyor, edemiyor. Varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ink\u00e2r edemeyece\u011fi kadar geni\u015f bir K\u00fcrt n\u00fcfusu, K\u00fcrt co\u011frafyas\u0131 ve tarihi var. Di\u011fer yandan \u201cK\u00fcrt Memet\u201din k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne, okumam\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131na yap\u0131lan vurgu, devletin K\u00fcrt alg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 d\u0131\u015fa vuruyor. Cumhuriyetin ba\u015f\u0131ndan itibaren K\u00fcrtlerin \u201ck\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201d, \u201cokumam\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131,\u201d asimilasyonist politikan\u0131n temel dayanaklar\u0131ndan biriydi. “Cahili kand\u0131rmak da sindirmek de kolay” diye d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcyordu. Ama \u201cK\u00fcrt Memet\u201din \u201cpehlivanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d unutuluyor veya k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmseniyordu. O y\u00fczden de Cumhuriyet elitleri, K\u00fcrtlerin ink\u00e2rc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7abucak benimseyece\u011fi h\u00fclyas\u0131na kap\u0131ld\u0131lar. \u015eeyh Said isyan\u0131 ve Dersim katliam\u0131yla devlet, K\u00fcrtleri askeri olarak da yendi\u011fini zannetti. Nitekim ink\u00e2r, tehdit, tedip politikalar\u0131 k\u0131sa vadeli \u201cmeyveler\u201d de verdi ve K\u00fcrtler uzun bir s\u00fcre devlete kar\u015f\u0131 sessiz kald\u0131 ve hatta boyun e\u011fdi. Fakat bu \u00e7ok uzun s\u00fcrmedi. \u0130lk etapta Demokrat Parti\u2019nin pop\u00fclizmi \u00fczerinden K\u00fcrtler yava\u015f da olsa k\u0131p\u0131rdanmaya, T\u00fcrkiye \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019yle birlikte seslerini \u00e7\u0131karmaya ve giderek Devrimci Do\u011fu K\u00fclt\u00fcr Ocaklar\u0131 gibi k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck olu\u015fumlarla da yeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye ba\u015flayarak varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 kabul ettirmeye, dertlerine \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm bulmaya ba\u015flad\u0131lar. 1960\u2019larda ba\u015flayan K\u00fcrt \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki sosyalist hareketlerin de k\u0131sm\u00ee ideolojik deste\u011fi 1980\u2019lerin ba\u015f\u0131na gelindi\u011finde yeni bir isyan\u0131n ba\u015flamas\u0131yla neticelendi. 1980\u2019ler, \u201cKurt Memet\u201din suskunlu\u011funu bozmas\u0131 ve yeniden \u201cK\u00fcrt Memet\u201de d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesinin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131 say\u0131labilir bence. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla K\u00fcrt kimli\u011fi ezilmi\u015flik ve direni\u015fle, sessizlik ve \u00e7\u0131\u011fl\u0131kla birlikte \u015fekillendi\u011fi i\u00e7in \u00f6zg\u00fcn bir yap\u0131ya sahip. \u0130nk\u00e2r\u0131n, K\u00fcrt kimli\u011finin belirleyici bir unsuru olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sordun ya, bence t\u00fcm bu tarihsel ba\u011flam i\u00e7inde bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, buna rahatl\u0131kla \u201cevet\u201d diyebiliriz.<\/p>\n


\nK\u00fcrtlerin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n inkar\u0131 bir miktar da olsa sona erince kimli\u011fin tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131nda de\u011fi\u015fiklikler oldu mu ?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Bence K\u00fcrt kimli\u011finin tan\u0131m\u0131ndaki de\u011fi\u015fim ink\u00e2r\u0131n sona ermesiyle de\u011fil, K\u00fcrtlerin isyan\u0131yla ya\u015fand\u0131. \u0130nk\u00e2r bitmedi, sadece form de\u011fi\u015ftirdi. Zaten ink\u00e2r sona erdi\u011finde, K\u00fcrt olma hali normalle\u015fecek, o ancak o zaman \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme yakla\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olacak. \u015eu an \u00f6yle bir noktada oldu\u011fumuzu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u00fcyorum. Bence K\u00fcrt hareketi de o noktada olunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele hatt\u0131n\u0131 gev\u015fetmiyor. Ama normalle\u015fme oldu\u011fu zaman, K\u00fcrt kimli\u011finin i\u00e7eri\u011fine dair de hararetli bir tart\u0131\u015fma ba\u015flayacak. Bu tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 da K\u00fcrtler kendi aralar\u0131nda, \u00f6zellikle s\u0131n\u0131fsal temelde y\u00fcr\u00fctecekler. Ama devletin bask\u0131 ve sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131 dolay\u0131s\u0131yla K\u00fcrtler \u015fu anda bu tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 k\u0131smen de olsa ertelemi\u015f durumda. Fakat bir yandan da g\u00fcncel olarak bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda K\u00fcrtlerin bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn AKP\u2019nin yan\u0131nda, bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn de BDP\u2019nin i\u00e7inde konumland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Bu pozisyonlar bile kimli\u011fin i\u00e7eri\u011fine dair K\u00fcrtlerin muhtemel tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n i\u015faretini veriyor. Devlet ink\u00e2rc\u0131l\u0131kta yenildi\u011fi anda, bu sefer AKP\u2019nin ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla devletin yan\u0131nda konumlanan K\u00fcrtlerin, pozisyonlar\u0131n\u0131 izah etmeye ba\u015flamas\u0131 gerekecek.\u00a0 Ama bence bu tart\u0131\u015fma i\u00e7in daha zaman var. Bence o tart\u0131\u015fma ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman, K\u00fcrt kimli\u011fi de, \u201cKurt Memet\u201d ve \u201cK\u00fcrt Memet\u201d meselesi de netle\u015fmeye ba\u015flayacak. \u201cKurt Memet\u201d, Mustafa Kemal\u2019in yan\u0131nda ni\u00e7in boyun e\u011fdi\u011fini, ni\u00e7in \u201cKurtlu\u011fa\u201d raz\u0131 oldu\u011funu, isyan eden K\u00fcrtlere izah etmek zorunda kalacak. O izahat, uzun d\u00f6nemde K\u00fcrt kimli\u011finin yeni i\u00e7eri\u011fini de belirleyecek.<\/p>\n


\nDin olgusunun bu kimli\u011fin i\u00e7indeki a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 nedir?\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

K\u00fcrtlerin toplumsal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imiyle dindarlar\u0131n cemaat\u00e7ili\u011fi aras\u0131nda enteresan bir benzerlik var. Zaten T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki pek \u00e7ok din\u00ee cemaatin k\u00f6keni de K\u00fcrtlere dayan\u0131yor. K\u00fcrtler kabileler, a\u015firetler ve a\u015firet konfederasyonlar\u0131 \u00fczerinden belli bir toplumsal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye sahip bir halk. Zaten bu toplumsal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme, K\u00fcrtlerin, devletin sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u00e7ar\u00e7abuk da\u011f\u0131lmamas\u0131n\u0131 da sa\u011flad\u0131 bence. Eskiden a\u015firet a\u011falar\u0131 ayn\u0131 zamanda din adamlar\u0131yd\u0131. \u015eeyh Said \u00f6rne\u011fin, siyas\u00ee bir fig\u00fcr oldu\u011fu kadar bir din adam\u0131d\u0131r da. Fakat devlet hem din\u00ee cemaatleri hem de a\u015firet reislerini \u00e7e\u015fitli y\u00f6ntemlerle kendi saf\u0131na \u00e7ekerek veya sindirerek, K\u00fcrt toplumunu boyunduruk alt\u0131na almaya giri\u015fti. Bunda da \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 oldu. O y\u00fczden de K\u00fcrtlerin \u015fimdiki isyan\u0131n\u0131 bir a\u015firet reisi veya din\u00ee \u00f6nderin ba\u015flatmas\u0131 s\u00f6z konusu de\u011fildi. Nitekim PKK, sosyalist bir hareket olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 halde \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu m\u00fctedeyyin olan K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7inde h\u0131zla g\u00fc\u00e7 kazand\u0131.<\/p>\n

Abdullah \u00d6calan yoksul bir k\u00f6yl\u00fc aileden geliyor. Bu, K\u00fcrtlerin isyan tarihinde \u00f6nemli bir ayr\u0131nt\u0131d\u0131r. Ezilen K\u00fcrt s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 PKK\u2019ye, \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f kelebekler gibi ko\u015farken, a\u015firet reislerinin de kendi tebaalar\u0131n\u0131 korucula\u015ft\u0131rarak, devletle birlikte hareket etmelerinin sebeplerinden biri de budur. \u201cAyaklar\u201d ba\u015f olmaya kalk\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131 \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc. PKK\u2019nin ilk eylemleri a\u015firetlere y\u00f6neliktir ama din\u00ee liderlere sistematik bir y\u00f6nelimi hi\u00e7bir zaman olmad\u0131. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc PKK, Marksist bir hareket olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen K\u00fcrt toplumunun m\u00fctedeyyin yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 iyi kavram\u0131\u015f olarak yola \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131 ve din kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 s\u00f6ylemi \u00e7ok fazla dillendirmedi. PKK\u2019yle birlikte K\u00fcrt kimli\u011finde hen\u00fcz sonlanmam\u0131\u015f bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm ba\u015flad\u0131. Demin de s\u00f6yledi\u011fim gibi, ink\u00e2r bitti\u011finde bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm h\u0131zlanacak. Fakat o d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm s\u00fcrecinde din fakt\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcn nas\u0131l bir etken olaca\u011f\u0131, bence K\u00fcrt hareketinin yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131na g\u00f6re belirecek. Ben, PKK\u2019nin yap\u0131s\u0131 dolay\u0131s\u0131yla dini, K\u00fcrt kimli\u011finin yeniden in\u015fas\u0131 s\u00fcrecinde belirleyici bir fakt\u00f6r olarak de\u011ferlendirmeyece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum. Ama bu, dini d\u0131\u015flayaca\u011f\u0131 veya devlet lehine konumlanmam\u0131\u015f olan cemaatlerle didi\u015fece\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelmiyor.<\/p>\n


\nYa “\u00f6teki”yle ili\u015fkiler? K\u00fcrtlerin “\u00f6teki” tan\u0131mlar\u0131 kimler?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Bu, \u201c\u00f6teki\u201dden neyi veya kimleri kastetti\u011fimize ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak de\u011fi\u015fiyor. K\u00fcrtlerin kendi i\u00e7lerinde de \u00f6tekileri var. \u00d6rne\u011fin belli bir kesim K\u00fcrtlere g\u00f6re \u201c\u00f6teki\u201d PKK\u2019lilerken, belli bir kesime g\u00f6re de devlet yanl\u0131lar\u0131. Hakk\u00e2ri, \u015e\u0131rnak, Cizre, k\u0131smen A\u011fr\u0131, Van, Mardin, Urfa ve Diyarbak\u0131r\u2019\u0131n baz\u0131 il\u00e7elerinde \u201c\u00f6tekiler\u201d Araplar ve T\u00fcrklerdir. Ama bu \u201c\u00f6tekilerle\u201d do\u011frudan bir didi\u015fme veya \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma hali yok. K\u00fcrtler halihaz\u0131rda kendi \u00f6teliklikleriyle me\u015fgul olduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in, n\u00fcfus olarak egemen olduklar\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerde bile n\u00fcfuz sahibi olamad\u0131klar\u0131 i\u00e7in \u201c\u00f6tekiyle\u201d \u00e7ok u\u011fra\u015fm\u0131yorlar. Zaten \u201c\u00f6teki\u201d dedi\u011fin, egemenli\u011fin oldu\u011fu yerlerde vard\u0131r. K\u00fcrtler herhangi bir bi\u00e7imde egemen durumda de\u011filler. Devlet h\u00e2l\u00e2 hayat\u0131n her alan\u0131nda egemen ve K\u00fcrtler, kendi topraklar\u0131nda bile \u00f6teki.<\/p>\n

Bence e\u011fer K\u00fcrtler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bir \u201c\u00f6teki\u201d varsa, o da bizzat devletin kendisidir. T\u00fcrkler, Araplar, Ermeniler, S\u00fcryaniler, Aleviler filan de\u011fil. Ama K\u00fcrtler kendi topraklar\u0131nda egemen olduklar\u0131nda, e\u011fer radikal demokrat bir y\u00f6netim anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na ula\u015fmazlarsa, o zaman \u201c\u00f6tekileri\u201d ke\u015ffedecekler. Rojava mesela bu konuda son derece \u00f6nemli veriler sunuyor bize. Keza G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan da \u00f6yle. Her iki par\u00e7ada da K\u00fcrt y\u00f6netimlerinin di\u011fer etnik ve dini yap\u0131lar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na sayg\u0131da kusur etmediklerini g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz mesela. \u00d6tekile\u015ftirilmekle bezenmi\u015f bir kimli\u011fin ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n kendi \u00f6tekilerini yaratma konusunda \u00e7ok hevesk\u00e2r olmad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum. K\u00fcrtler G\u00fcney\u2019de veya Rojava\u2019da her t\u00fcrl\u00fc etnik ve dini yap\u0131ya, T\u00fcrkiye, \u0130ran, Irak veya Suriye\u2019den daha fazla bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l yakla\u015f\u0131yorlar. Tarihsel yap\u0131s\u0131na bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda PKK\u2019nin -her ne kadar kendisi d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki \u00f6rg\u00fctleri devre d\u0131\u015f\u0131 b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015fsa da- bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 halklara ve inan\u00e7lara uygulamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Bence bunun sebebi hem PKK\u2019nin ideolojik yap\u0131s\u0131ndan hem de K\u00fcrtlerin zaten \u00f6tekile\u015ftirilmi\u015f olmalar\u0131ndan kaynaklan\u0131yor.<\/p>\n


\nT\u00fcrkiyelilik kavram\u0131 ve K\u00fcrdistan’\u0131n d\u00f6rt par\u00e7as\u0131yla ba\u011flar\u0131n a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131klar\u0131 nas\u0131l?<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u201cT\u00fcrkiyelilik\u201d mecbur\u00ee bir durum. K\u00fcrtlerin K\u00fcrdistan d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kmalar\u0131n\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck sebebi devletin asimilasyonist politikalar\u0131 ve K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n mecbur b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 yoksulluktur. \u00d6zellikle 1980\u2019lerden itibaren K\u00fcrt k\u00f6yl\u00fclerinin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bat\u0131s\u0131na g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fc bir devlet politikas\u0131n\u0131n neticesinde sa\u011fland\u0131. K\u00fcrtler, cumhuriyetin ba\u015f\u0131ndan itibaren T\u00fcrkiyeli olmaya zorland\u0131 veya raz\u0131 edildi. Fakat t\u00fcm bu politikalar neticesinde K\u00fcrtler art\u0131k T\u00fcrkiyeli. Irak, \u0130ran ve Suriye\u2019de durum b\u00f6yle de\u011fil. Oralar asimilasyondan ziyade do\u011frudan ezme politikas\u0131 g\u00fctt\u00fckleri i\u00e7in K\u00fcrtleri kendi topraklar\u0131na hapsederek yenmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bu a\u00e7\u0131dan politikas\u0131 biraz daha farkl\u0131yd\u0131. O y\u00fczden Suriye devleti s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde kalan K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in \u201cSuriyelilik\u201d, di\u011ferleri i\u00e7in \u201cIrakl\u0131l\u0131k\u201d, \u201c\u0130ranl\u0131l\u0131k\u201d gibi kavramlara ba\u015fvurmuyoruz.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiyelilik kavram\u0131 asl\u0131nda K\u00fcrtlerin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z devlet talebine kar\u015f\u0131 olu\u015fturulmu\u015f bir s\u00f6ylemin ifadesi. Ama h\u00e2lihaz\u0131rda K\u00fcrt hareketi ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z K\u00fcrdistan fikrinin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, ba\u015fka bir kurtulu\u015f yolunda ilerledi\u011fi i\u00e7in de T\u00fcrkiyelile\u015fmek durumunda oldu\u011funu biliyor. Bu da K\u00fcrt kimli\u011finde \u201cT\u00fcrkiyelile\u015fmenin\u201d de belirleyici bir fakt\u00f6r olmas\u0131na sebep oluyor. K\u00fcrtler zaten sosyolojik olarak T\u00fcrkiyelile\u015fmi\u015f durumda. E\u011fer bat\u0131daki K\u00fcrtler kalk\u0131p K\u00fcrdistan\u2019a d\u00f6nmeyecekse de K\u00fcrt kimli\u011finin bu kabul \u00fczerinden \u015fekillenmesi ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131r. Zaten K\u00fcrtler kendi renklerini koruyarak T\u00fcrkiyelile\u015fmek isterken, kendi kimliklerinin \u00e7er\u00e7evesini de \u00e7izmi\u015f oluyorlar. Fakat K\u00fcrtler T\u00fcrkiyelile\u015fmekle yetinmeyip K\u00fcrdistanl\u0131la\u015fmak da istiyorlar. Irak, \u0130ran, Suriye devlet s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7indeki K\u00fcrdistan b\u00f6lgeleriyle de sosyal, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, ekonomik m\u00fcnasebetlerini geli\u015ftirmek istiyorlar. \u0130\u015fte bunu yapabilmeleri i\u00e7in de ulus-devlet formunun yeniden formatlanmas\u0131 gerekiyor. Abdullah \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u201cdemokratik konfederalizm\u201d derken kastetti\u011fi de bu. Laf\u0131 uzatmayay\u0131m; asl\u0131nda halihaz\u0131rdaki s\u00fcre\u00e7, K\u00fcrt kimli\u011finin t\u00fcm bu siyasal, sosyal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm s\u00fcrecinde yeni bir form kazanmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011fl\u0131yor, sa\u011flayacak.<\/p>\n


\nBaz\u0131 yazarlar taraf\u0131ndan “post-Kemalizm” olarak tan\u0131mlanan bu d\u00f6nem K\u00fcrt kimli\u011finin tan\u0131mlan\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 nas\u0131l etkiledi ?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Bence biz hen\u00fcz post-Kemalist bir d\u00f6neme ge\u00e7mi\u015f de\u011filiz. Tayyip Erdo\u011fan \u201cink\u00e2ra son verdik\u201d diyor ama bunun somut tek ad\u0131m\u0131, do\u011fru-d\u00fcr\u00fcst bir yasal dayana\u011f\u0131 dahi olu\u015fturulmam\u0131\u015f olan TRT 6 ve birka\u00e7 \u00fcniversitede K\u00fcrt dili k\u00fcrs\u00fcs\u00fcnden ibaret. \u0130nk\u00e2r, Anayasa\u2019n\u0131n K\u00fcrtlerin haklar\u0131 lehine de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesiyle, ulus-devlet s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n a\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131yla, otuz y\u0131ll\u0131k sava\u015f\u0131n do\u011fru-d\u00fcr\u00fcst muhasebesinin yap\u0131l\u0131p hesab\u0131n\u0131n verilmesiyle \u201cKurt Memet\u201d yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olan \u201cba\u015fpehlivana\u201d \u201cK\u00fcrt Memet\u201d isminin iadesiyle ve daha bir s\u00fcr\u00fc reformla son bulur. Biz hen\u00fcz oraya yakla\u015fm\u0131\u015f de\u011filiz. Devlet, y\u00fcz y\u0131ld\u0131r durdu\u011fu yerde, ayn\u0131 zihniyetle, ayn\u0131 politikayla durmaya devam ediyor. Belli h\u00fck\u00fcmetler belli ad\u0131mlar atmak zorunda kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ama devletin K\u00fcrt politikas\u0131ndaki devaml\u0131l\u0131k h\u00e2l\u00e2 esast\u0131r. \u00d6yle olmasa yeni bir Anayasa\u2019n\u0131n yap\u0131lmas\u0131, K\u00fcrt hareketinin talep etti\u011fi baz\u0131 yasalar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 ve daha bir s\u00fcr\u00fc d\u00fczenleme bu kadar zora sokulmazd\u0131. Hatta \u015funu s\u00f6yleyeyim, Diyarbak\u0131r\u2019da devletin memuru olan vali, halk oyuyla se\u00e7ilmi\u015f olan belediye reisinden daha fazla yetkiye sahip oldu\u011fu s\u00fcrece post-Kemalist bir s\u00fcre\u00e7ten s\u00f6z edemeyiz.<\/p>\n


\n1915’in ve bir zamanlar Ermenilerin yo\u011fun olarak bulunduklar\u0131 yerlerde ya\u015famaya devam etmenin nas\u0131l bir etkisi oldu kimlik olu\u015fum s\u00fcrecinde?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ermeni Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131\u2019na d\u00e2hil olan K\u00fcrtler, k\u0131sa s\u00fcre i\u00e7inde ayn\u0131 ak\u0131bete u\u011frayabileceklerini g\u00f6rd\u00fcler. \u015eeyh Said isyan\u0131n\u0131n bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131ndan sonra, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131ya, Suriye\u2019ye ka\u00e7an baz\u0131 K\u00fcrt elitleri, oradaki Ermenilerle de ittifak kurup Xoyb\u00fbn isimli bir \u00f6rg\u00fct kurarak A\u011fr\u0131 \u0130syan\u0131\u2019n\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlediler.\u00a0 K\u00fcrtlerin Ermenilerle d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u0131sa, dostlu\u011fu uzun s\u00fcrd\u00fc. O y\u00fczden de K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7inde sistematik bir Ermeni kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6remezsiniz. \u00d6te yandan t\u0131pk\u0131 T\u00fcrklerde oldu\u011fu gibi K\u00fcrtler de soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131, olduktan hemen sonra unutmaya meyletmi\u015f olsalar da, bu konuda T\u00fcrklerden \u00e7ok daha a\u00e7\u0131k olduklar\u0131n\u0131 biliyoruz. Bunun sebepleri ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmay\u0131 hak ediyor. Fakat san\u0131r\u0131m soyk\u0131r\u0131mdan k\u0131sa s\u00fcre sonra devlet zulm\u00fcn\u00fcn K\u00fcrtlere de y\u00f6nelmeye ba\u015flamas\u0131n\u0131n da bunda bir etkisi var. Oysa K\u00fcrtlerin Ermeni soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131na dahil edilme s\u00fcrecine bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda iki \u00f6nemli etken \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor: Korku ve saadet. K\u00fcrtler, \u0130stanbul h\u00fck\u00fcmeti taraf\u0131ndan, Ermenilerin devlet kurup kendilerini zapturapt alt\u0131na alacaklar\u0131na inand\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131lar. Ayr\u0131ca Ermenilerin s\u00fcr\u00fclmesine dahil olmalar\u0131 halinde geride kalan \u201cganimetin\u201d onlarla payla\u015f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 mu\u015ftuland\u0131. Ama soyk\u0131r\u0131mdan hemen sonra, dedi\u011fim gibi bu sefer K\u00fcrtler devlet zulm\u00fcyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131lar. Bence bu, K\u00fcrtlerin Ermeni Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131\u2019n\u0131 gizlememelerinin sebeplerinden biri olabilir.<\/p>\n


\nT\u00fcrkiye’nin geneline k\u0131yasla K\u00fcrtlerin 1915’le y\u00fczle\u015fmede daha ileri bir noktada oldu\u011funu g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Ge\u00e7mi\u015fiyle y\u00fczle\u015febilmek kimlikte de tahribatlar\u0131 \u00f6nl\u00fcyor mu?<\/strong><\/p>\n

K\u00fcrtler de hen\u00fcz ge\u00e7mi\u015fleriyle y\u00fczle\u015febilmi\u015f de\u011filler ama buna T\u00fcrklerden daha fazla haz\u0131rlar. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc K\u00fcrtlerin, alg\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00f6netecek bir devletleri yok. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan K\u00fcrtler, her ne kadar daha fazla tutsak g\u00f6r\u00fcnseler de, iradeleri konusunda daha \u00f6zg\u00fcrler ve ge\u00e7mi\u015fin ac\u0131 hat\u0131ralar\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 alg\u0131y\u0131 lehte kullanmaya meyilliler. Meselenin \u00fcst\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6rtmek yerine onu s\u00f6zl\u00fc k\u00fclt\u00fcr \u00fczerinden aktarm\u0131\u015f olmalar\u0131, bug\u00fcn K\u00fcrtleri soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n kabul\u00fcne daha fazla haz\u0131r hale getirdi. T\u00fcrklerin bir k\u0131sm\u0131 dedelerinin yapt\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 yeni yeni \u00f6\u011frenirken, K\u00fcrtler zaten olup biteni dedelerinden, ninelerinden duymu\u015flard\u0131.<\/p>\n

Ayr\u0131ca K\u00fcrtler, k\u00f6t\u00fc kaderlerinde kendi i\u00e7lerindeki ayr\u0131\u015fman\u0131n, ihanetin, b\u00f6l\u00fcnmenin pay\u0131n\u0131n oldu\u011funu ve bununla y\u00fczle\u015ftikleri anda daha da g\u00fc\u00e7leneceklerini biliyorlar. Yani sadece Ermeni Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 konusunda de\u011fil, kendileriyle ilgili de daimi bir y\u00fczle\u015fme, hesapla\u015fma i\u00e7indeler. 1990\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da polis, asker PKK\u2019lileri \u201cErmeni d\u00f6l\u00fc\u201d olarak lanse edip halka propaganda yap\u0131yordu. S\u0131rf bu bile K\u00fcrtleri Ermenilerle duyguda\u015f yapmaya yetiyordu.<\/p>\n

Di\u011fer yandan Yozgatl\u0131, Tokatl\u0131, Karamanl\u0131 bir T\u00fcrk, \u201cErmeni Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 olmu\u015ftur\u201d dedi\u011finde en ba\u015fta devlet, daha sonra kom\u015fusu taraf\u0131ndan hain ilan edilece\u011fini biliyor ve bundan dolay\u0131 sesini \u00e7\u0131karam\u0131yor. Ama K\u00fcrtler hain damgas\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 korku e\u015fi\u011fini \u00e7oktan a\u015ft\u0131lar. K\u00fcrtler kendi haklar\u0131n\u0131 savunurken zaten yeteri kadar hainlikle su\u00e7land\u0131lar. Bu devlet T\u00fcrkleri hainlik s\u00f6ylemiyle sindirebiliyor ama K\u00fcrtler art\u0131k o noktan\u0131n \u00e7ok \u00f6tesindeler. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan T\u00fcrkler ve devlet, kimliklerinin tahribat\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nlemek i\u00e7in ge\u00e7mi\u015fle y\u00fczle\u015fmekten \u00e7ekinirken, K\u00fcrtler kendi kimliklerini yeniden in\u015fa etmek i\u00e7in ge\u00e7mi\u015fle y\u00fczle\u015fmeye mecburlar.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Gazeteci \u0130rfan Aktan’a g\u00f6re K\u00fcrt kimli\u011fi ink\u00e2ra kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015ftirilen direni\u015fler \u00fczerinden yeniden \u015fekillendi. Ancak g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde ink\u00e2r bitmedi, sadece form de\u011fi\u015ftirdi. \u0130nkar bitip normalle\u015fme d\u00f6nemi geldi\u011fi zaman, K\u00fcrt kimli\u011finin i\u00e7eri\u011fine dair de hararetli bir tart\u0131\u015fma ba\u015flayacak. Aktan’a g\u00f6re T\u00fcrkiyelile\u015firken ayn\u0131 zamanda K\u00fcrdistanla\u015fmak isteyen K\u00fcrtler ge\u00e7mi\u015fleriyle y\u00fczle\u015fmeye T\u00fcrklerden daha fazla haz\u0131rlar. \u00a0 Uzun y\u0131llar s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ink\u00e2r\u0131 […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6,13,14,29,42],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-30221","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-ermeni-soykirimi","category-gunumuzde-bati-ermenistan","category-haberler","category-mulakatlar","category-turkiyede-azinliklar"],"yoast_head":"\n- Bati Ermenistan Ve Bati Ermenileri Sorunlari Ara\u015ftirmalar Merkezi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/akunq.net\/turkish\/2014\/06\/05\/30221\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"- Bati Ermenistan Ve Bati Ermenileri Sorunlari Ara\u015ftirmalar Merkezi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Gazeteci \u0130rfan Aktan’a g\u00f6re K\u00fcrt kimli\u011fi ink\u00e2ra kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015ftirilen direni\u015fler \u00fczerinden yeniden \u015fekillendi. Ancak g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde ink\u00e2r bitmedi, sadece form de\u011fi\u015ftirdi. \u0130nkar bitip normalle\u015fme d\u00f6nemi geldi\u011fi zaman, K\u00fcrt kimli\u011finin i\u00e7eri\u011fine dair de hararetli bir tart\u0131\u015fma ba\u015flayacak. 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