{"id":83325,"date":"2025-05-20T04:00:03","date_gmt":"2025-05-20T09:00:03","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/akunq.net\/tr\/?p=83325"},"modified":"2025-05-20T04:00:03","modified_gmt":"2025-05-20T09:00:03","slug":"karanlik-zamanlarda-dusunmek-gelenegin-sonu-ve-holokost-ile-soykirim-calismalarinin-krizi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/akunq.net\/tr\/?p=83325","title":{"rendered":"Karanl\u0131k zamanlarda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek: Gelene\u011fin sonu ve Holokost ile Soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n krizi"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Taner Ak\u00e7am<\/a><\/span> \u00a0<\/span><\/strong><\/div>\n
Gazze\u2019de ya\u015fanan deh\u015fet art\u0131k ink\u00e2r edilmiyor. \u201cEvet, bunlar ya\u015fan\u0131yor,\u201d deniliyor, \u201cama bunlar\u0131n sorumlusu Hamas.\u201d ABD D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre \u00f6nce \u015fu a\u00e7\u0131klamay\u0131 yapt\u0131: \u201cGazze\u2019de olup biten her \u015fey, Hamas y\u00fcz\u00fcnden oluyor\u2026 B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar, Hamas t\u00fcm rehineleri iade ederse bir anda sona erebilir.\u201d Bu s\u00f6zler \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k bir mesaj i\u00e7eriyor: Belirli talepler kar\u015f\u0131lanmad\u0131k\u00e7a \u015fiddet devam edecek. Bu olup bitenleri a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a, en k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir teredd\u00fct ya da ses tonunda bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f olmadan gerek\u00e7elendirmek\u2014asl\u0131nda su\u00e7u do\u011frudan kabul etmektir. Sebepsiz hi\u00e7bir kitlesel k\u0131y\u0131m yoktur. Her yok etme eylemi, istisnas\u0131z bir gerek\u00e7eyle sunulur. Bug\u00fcn bu gerek\u00e7eleri \u00f6ne s\u00fcrenler, su\u00e7un kendisini ink\u00e2r etmiyorlar -sadece onayl\u0131yorlar-. Her yok etme eylemi, istisnas\u0131z bir gerek\u00e7eyle sunulur. Bu mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n uzun bir ge\u00e7mi\u015fi var. 1916 ve 1918 y\u0131llar\u0131nda Talat Pa\u015fa \u0130ttihat ve Terakki kongrelerinde Ermeni Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131\u2019n\u0131 savunurken bu dili kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/span><\/em><\/strong><\/div>\n
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Karanl\u0131k zamanlarda ya\u015f\u0131yoruz. Amerika\u2019daki \u00fcniversitelerde \u201cd\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201d ciddi bi\u00e7imde sald\u0131r\u0131 alt\u0131nda. Para ve politik iktidar\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fc, yeni bir McCarthycilik dalgas\u0131 ba\u015flatm\u0131\u015f vaziyette. Politik bask\u0131larla ele\u015ftirel sesler susturulmaya, kamp\u00fcslerde yayg\u0131n bir sindirme ortam\u0131 yarat\u0131lmaya ba\u015fland\u0131. Susturucu bir korku k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc her yerde kol geziyor. Bu bask\u0131lar\u0131n en belirgin \u00f6rnekleri Columbia ile Harvard\u2019da g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Columbia\u2019da \u0130srail\u2019i ele\u015ftiren \u00f6\u011frenciler okuldan at\u0131l\u0131yor; ABD vatanda\u015f\u0131 olmayanlar ise s\u0131n\u0131r d\u0131\u015f\u0131 edilme tehdidiyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya. Harvard\u2019da Ortado\u011fu \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 Merkezi\u2019nin direkt\u00f6r\u00fc ile yard\u0131mc\u0131 direkt\u00f6r\u00fc g\u00f6revden al\u0131nd\u0131lar.<\/p>\n

Bu \u201ckaranl\u0131k zamanlar\u0131\u201d fark edenler, Hannah Arendt\u2019in bir zamanlar yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, \u201cbunda hi\u00e7bir gizem ya da s\u0131r yok. Ama yine de bu durum herkes taraf\u0131ndan g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr de\u011fil, g\u00f6rmek de pek kolay de\u011fil\u201d diyerek \u201cfelaket her \u015feyi alt\u00fcst etmeden hemen \u00f6nce\u201d bir \u015feylerin yap\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fine inan\u0131yorlar.\u00a0(1)\u00a0B\u00f6yle anlarda, risk meselesi \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir belirleyici h\u00e2line gelir. \u0130nsan, sahte bir cesaret g\u00f6sterisiyle ger\u00e7ek ahlaki sorumlulu\u011fun a\u011f\u0131r y\u00fck\u00fc aras\u0131nda gidip gelir.<\/p>\n

Nisan ay\u0131 bize\u2014hem T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de hem Ermenistan\u2019da\u2014Ermeni Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131\u2019n\u0131 hat\u0131rlat\u0131r; bu y\u0131l, soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n 110. y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc an\u0131yoruz. Bu anlar, vicdan pusulam\u0131z\u0131n eylemlerimiz \u00fczerindeki etkisinin daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc hissedildi\u011fi bir d\u00f6neme denk d\u00fc\u015fer. Bu y\u0131l, ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u201ckaranl\u0131k zamanlar\u201d sadece akademik \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerin a\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131yla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 de\u011fil ve izleri daha da derinden yank\u0131lan\u0131yor. \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 felaketinin i\u00e7inden do\u011fmu\u015f bir alan olan Holokost ve Soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 alan\u0131nda ciddi bir ahlaki \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015fe tan\u0131kl\u0131k ediyoruz.<\/p>\n

Holokost ve Soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n Krizi<\/strong>
\nHolokost ve Soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 derin bir kriz i\u00e7inde\u2014ahl\u00e2ki ve entelekt\u00fcel bir \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f ya\u015f\u0131yor. Bu krizin merkezinde, Gazze\u2019de \u0130srail\u2019in ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fi eylemlerle tetiklenen Holokost \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 alan\u0131 yer al\u0131yor. Burada, Soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 ile Holokost \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki fark \u00f6nemli. Alana egemen sorunun temelinde, Holokost \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fcten \u00f6nemli bir kesimin\u2014bireylerin ve kurumlar\u0131n\u2014ya a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a; ya da \u00f6rt\u00fck bi\u00e7imde \u0130srail\u2019in eylemlerini desteklemesi, kar\u015f\u0131 durmay\u0131 ba\u015faramamas\u0131 yat\u0131yor. \u201cBir Daha Asla\u201d etik \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131yla kurulmu\u015f olan, kitlesel k\u0131y\u0131mlar\u0131 \u00f6nlemeye, etik normlara dayal\u0131 bir d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeni in\u015fa etmeye adanm\u0131\u015f olan bu alan, 1945 sonras\u0131 uluslararas\u0131 insan haklar\u0131 hukuku ile k\u00fcresel d\u00fczenin in\u015fas\u0131nda belirleyici bir rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u015eimdi, bu alan\u0131n \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131 \u2014akademisyenleri ve kurumlar\u0131yla birlikte\u2014, \u0130srail\u2019in devlet \u015fiddetini me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rarak, kendi ahlaki duru\u015funu terk etmi\u015f durumda.\u00a0(2)<\/p>\n

Alandaki baz\u0131 \u00f6nemli akademik \u00e7evre ile kurumlar, bir ulus-devletin (\u0130srail\u2019in) su\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n savunucusu h\u00e2line geldiler. Siyasi iktidara kar\u015f\u0131 ele\u015ftirel bir mesafe korumak yerine, onun mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 benimsediler. Alan, bir zamanlar \u00fczerinde y\u00fckseldi\u011fi ahlaki zemini kendi elleriyle y\u0131kt\u0131. Kurulu\u015f misyonunu tan\u0131mlayan evrensel ahlaki de\u011ferlerini terk ederek, art\u0131k s\u0131radan milliyet\u00e7i sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011f\u0131 aklayan bir konuma geriledi. Kriz, ilk olarak Holokost \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 i\u00e7inden do\u011fmu\u015f olsa da uzun y\u0131llar Holokost paradigmas\u0131n\u0131n entelekt\u00fcel ve kurumsal hegemonyas\u0131 alt\u0131nda \u015fekillenen t\u00fcm Soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 alan\u0131na yay\u0131lm\u0131\u015f durumda.<\/p>\n

Bu durumun, alan\u0131n k\u00f6kenleriyle do\u011frudan ilgisi var: \u201cSoyk\u0131r\u0131m\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131 ortaya atan Raphael Lemkin, Ermeni Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 ile 1933 Irak Simele Katliam\u0131ndan etkilenmi\u015f, b\u00f6yle bir su\u00e7 kategorisinin zorunlu bir gereklilik oldu\u011funa karar vermi\u015fti. Ancak kavram\u0131 bi\u00e7imlendiren, onun uluslararas\u0131 kabul\u00fcn\u00fc sa\u011flayan as\u0131l olay Holokost oldu. En ba\u015f\u0131ndan itibaren Holokost \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n merkezine oturdu. Di\u011fer soyk\u0131r\u0131mlar daha sonra \u2014genellikle e\u015fit de\u011fil, sadece eklenen unsurlar olarak\u2014bu merkeze dahil oldu. Her \u015feyin merkezinde Holokost vard\u0131. \u0130lk y\u0131llarda, Holokost merkezli bir t\u00fcr \u201cSoyk\u0131r\u0131mlar S\u00fcper Ligi\u201d olu\u015fmu\u015ftu. Bir soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n bu lige girebilmesi i\u00e7in Holokost\u2019a benzemesi \u015fartt\u0131. Bu nedenle, di\u011fer kitlesel k\u0131y\u0131mlar \u00fczerinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan akademisyenler, bunlar\u0131 olabildi\u011fince Holokost\u2019a benzetmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar. Holokost\u2019a benzemek, bu lige kabul i\u00e7in bir t\u00fcr \u201cgiri\u015f bileti\u201d i\u015flevi g\u00f6rd\u00fc.<\/p>\n

Ancak ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar ilerledik\u00e7e, bu \u00e7er\u00e7evenin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 daha belirgin bi\u00e7imde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Akademisyenler, Holokost\u2019a a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 benzetmenin di\u011fer soyk\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc dinamiklerini ortadan kald\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 fark ettiler. Bu fark\u0131ndal\u0131k, alan\u0131n y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc de\u011fi\u015ftirdi: benzerlikler yerine her vakan\u0131n kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc tarihsel, siyasal, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ba\u011flamlar\u0131n\u0131 vurgulamak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Alan\u0131n, Holokost\u2019un \u201cbenzersiz ve e\u015fsiz\u201d oldu\u011fu iddias\u0131ndan, kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmal\u0131 soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na do\u011fru evrilmesi bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn sonucuydu. \u201cHolokost ve Soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131\u201d ifadesinin kendisi bile bu uzla\u015fman\u0131n bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcyd\u00fc. Holokost h\u00e2l\u00e2 hem tarihsel \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131; hem de ahlaki dayanak olarak, ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 konumunu koruyordu; di\u011fer soyk\u0131r\u0131mlar ise onun etraf\u0131nda d\u00f6nen, tan\u0131nan ama \u00e7o\u011fu zaman ayn\u0131 d\u00fczeyde g\u00f6r\u00fclmeyen \u00f6rnekler olarak yer al\u0131yordu.
\nZamanla alandaki bir\u00e7ok akademisyen Holokost\u2019un di\u011fer soyk\u0131r\u0131mlardan bir tanesi oldu\u011funu kabul etmi\u015f olsa da, alan\u0131n ad\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fmeden kald\u0131. Holokost\u2019a \u00f6zel bir stat\u00fc verilmesine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kanlar bile, Holokost \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fc rol\u00fcn\u00fc tan\u0131yarak \u201cHolokost ve Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u201d adlar\u0131n\u0131n yan yana kullan\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n sa\u00e7mal\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kabullenmekte sak\u0131nca g\u00f6rmedi. Bu nedenle, bug\u00fcn i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fumuz krizin, Holokost \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131ndan t\u00fcm soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na yay\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

E\u011fer Gazze\u2019deki su\u00e7lar\u0131 i\u015fleyen devlet, \u0130srail de\u011fil de ba\u015fka bir \u00fclke olsayd\u0131, Holokost ve Soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 b\u00f6yle bir kriz ya\u015famazd\u0131. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u0130srail, Holokost kurbanlar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan kurulan, onun ahlaki \u201ckar\u015f\u0131t\u0131n\u0131-\u00f6tekisini\u201d temsil eden bir devlet olarak, alan\u0131m\u0131zda kutsal ve ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 bir konum elde etti. Bu ayr\u0131cal\u0131k, Holokost ve Soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n entelekt\u00fcel yap\u0131s\u0131na da i\u015flemi\u015fti. Holokost\u2019la sembolik olarak \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirilen bir ulus-devletin, t\u0131pk\u0131 di\u011fer devletler gibi sistematik kitlesel cinayetler i\u015fleyebilece\u011fini kabul etmek, bu alandaki bir\u00e7ok akademisyen i\u00e7in h\u00e2l\u00e2 kabul edilmesi \u00e7ok zor bir ger\u00e7eklik olarak duruyor.<\/p>\n

\u0130srail\u2019in cinayetleri \u00fczerine a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a konu\u015fmak sadece psikolojik ve ahlaki bask\u0131lanma nedeniyle zor de\u011fildi. Ayn\u0131 zamanda, \u00e7ok somut bir tehdit de vard\u0131: antisemitizmle su\u00e7lanmak korkusu. Nas\u0131l ki Kur\u2019an\u2019da her sure \u201cBismillahirrahmanirrahim\u201d diye ba\u015fl\u0131yorsa, akademik d\u00fcnyada \u0130srail\u2019i ele\u015ftiren herkes de s\u00f6zlerine \u201cAntisemit de\u011filim ama\u2026\u201d gibi bir a\u00e7\u0131klamayla ba\u015flamak zorunda hissediyordu\u2014sanki devlet \u015fiddetini ele\u015ftirmek, \u00f6nceden bir g\u00fcnah \u00e7\u0131karmay\u0131 gerektiriyordu.
\n\u00d6zetle, Gazze\u2019deki soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 \u0130srail\u2019in ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmi\u015f olmas\u0131, alan\u0131n kurucu gelene\u011finin, Holokost ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131 yapan ki\u015filerin, kurumlar\u0131n \u00f6nemli bir \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun, 1945 sonras\u0131 in\u015fa edilen ahlaki de\u011ferleri terk ederek \u0130srail\u2019in eylemleri savunmas\u0131, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc krizin kalbinde yer al\u0131yor. Alan\u0131n h\u00e2kim okulunun b\u00fcy\u00fck bir k\u0131sm\u0131 kendi kurulu\u015f ilkelerini ink\u00e2r etmi\u015f durumda. Bu, ahlaki \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn ile gelene\u011fin sonunun a\u00e7\u0131k bir i\u015faretidir\u2014ve bu durum radikal bir yeniden ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

B\u00f6ylesi bir kopu\u015fun ne anlama geldi\u011fini daha iyi anlayabilmek i\u00e7in, 1914 y\u0131l\u0131nda Avrupa\u2019daki Sosyal Demokrat partilerin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 krizi hat\u0131rlamak faydal\u0131 olabilir. Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, bu partilerin \u00e7o\u011fu evrensel enternasyonal ilkeleri savunmak yerine kendi ulusal h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerini desteklemeyi tercih etti. Lenin, bu tavr\u0131 evrensel sosyalist ideallere ihanet olarak de\u011ferlendirdi. Sosyalist projeyi yeniden canland\u0131rmak i\u00e7in eski kadrolardan tamamen kopmak gerekti\u011fini savundu. Bu kopu\u015f, Kom\u00fcnist Enternasyonal\u2019in kurulmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131.
\nKo\u015fullar farkl\u0131 olsa da altta yatan mant\u0131k tan\u0131d\u0131kt\u0131r: derin bir ahlaki \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f an\u0131nda, bir gelene\u011fin s\u00fcreklili\u011fini yeniden sa\u011flamak ancak k\u00f6kl\u00fc bir kopu\u015fla m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Holokost ve Soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 bug\u00fcn tam da b\u00f6yle bir meydan okumayla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya. Gazze\u2019deki y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131 aklayanlarla a\u00e7\u0131k bir kopu\u015f \u015fart\u2014ve bu kopu\u015f, alan\u0131n ad\u0131n\u0131 terk etmekle ba\u015flamal\u0131d\u0131r. Alan\u0131n bir zamanlar temsil etti\u011fi ilkeler do\u011frultusunda yeni bir isimle yola devam etmenin zaman\u0131 gelmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Arendt ve Gelene\u011fin Sonu<\/strong>
\nAnlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z kriz yaln\u0131zca Holokost ve Soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 alan\u0131yla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 de\u011fil. Bu sadece akademik bir ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131k de\u011fil; daha derin bir \u015feyin, bir uygarl\u0131k k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n belirtisidir. Bu k\u0131r\u0131lma, modernitenin kendini tan\u0131mlamak ve me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in kurdu\u011fu temel yap\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesine i\u015faret eder. Modernitenin kendi hakk\u0131nda ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc uygarl\u0131k iddias\u0131, Ayd\u0131nlanma d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesine dayan\u0131yordu. Bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u015fiddet e\u011filimlerini ak\u0131lla, hukukla, evrensel ilkelerle dizginleyece\u011fini savunan, bunu bir d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131 olarak sunan bir projeydi. Bu vaat, Holokost ile b\u00fcy\u00fck bir k\u0131r\u0131lmaya u\u011fram\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ama 1945 sonras\u0131nda k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede yeniden canlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Holokost sonras\u0131nda \u015fekillenen ahlaki bir dil Ayd\u0131nlanman\u0131n temel d\u00fcrt\u00fclerini yeniden bir etik g\u00f6vdeye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f, buna uygun bir\u00e7ok kurum olu\u015fmu\u015ftu. Bug\u00fcn ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u015fey, i\u015fte bu gelene\u011fin sona ermesidir.<\/p>\n

Hannah Arendt,\u00a0Ge\u00e7mi\u015fle Gelecek Aras\u0131nda<\/em>\u00a0adl\u0131 eserinde Holokost \u00f6rne\u011finde ya\u015fan\u0131lan bu k\u0131r\u0131lma durumunu \u201cgelene\u011fin sonu\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlar. Bizler \u015fu anda benzeri bir kopu\u015f-k\u0131r\u0131lman\u0131n i\u00e7inde ya\u015f\u0131yoruz\u2014ge\u00e7mi\u015fle gelece\u011fi birbirine ba\u011flayan ipin kopmu\u015f oldu\u011fu tam bir ara yerdeyiz. Arendt\u2019e g\u00f6re, gelenek karanl\u0131k anlarda y\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fc bulmam\u0131za yard\u0131mc\u0131 olan, tutunaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z merdivenin korkulu\u011fu i\u015flevi g\u00f6r\u00fcrd\u00fc. Kesinlik sunmasa bile bir s\u00fcreklilik hissi verirdi\u2014tutunacak bir iplik gibi\u2026 y\u00f6n g\u00f6sterirdi. Ve bize kesin h\u00fck\u00fcmler vermek yerine, ele\u015ftirel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyle karar verebilme imk\u00e2n\u0131 tan\u0131rd\u0131. Gelenek bu anlamda, do\u011fru ile yanl\u0131\u015f\u0131 anlamak i\u00e7in ba\u015fvurabilece\u011fimiz bir pusula i\u015flevi g\u00f6r\u00fcrd\u00fc. \u015eimdi o pusula\u2014o merdiven korkulu\u011fu\u2014yok art\u0131k! Tutunacak \u015feyleri olmayan bizler bir bo\u015flu\u011fa d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f gibiyiz. Arendt\u2019in deyimiyle, gelene\u011fin bir zamanlar yarg\u0131 ile eyleme anlam kazand\u0131ran hazinesinden yoksun h\u00e2lde, \u00e7\u0131plak kalm\u0131\u015f insanl\u0131k durumunday\u0131z. Y\u00f6n g\u00f6sterici anlat\u0131lar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnden sonra insan\u0131n varolu\u015fsal h\u00e2li budur.\u00a0(3)<\/p>\n

Arendt\u2019e g\u00f6re Holokost bu gelene\u011fin fiilen sona erdi\u011fi and\u0131. \u00d6ylesine mutlak, \u00f6ylesine end\u00fcstriyel y\u00f6ntemlerle y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen, metafiziksel niyetle i\u015flenmi\u015f bir su\u00e7tu ki, art\u0131k olanlar\u0131 miras ald\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z kategorilerle\u2014Ayd\u0131nlanma h\u00fcmanizmi ve klasik adalet anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131yla\u2014yarg\u0131lamak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildi. Holokost, Bat\u0131 tarihinin s\u00fcreklili\u011fini yaln\u0131zca \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011fiyle de\u011fil ayn\u0131 zamanda bu \u015fiddeti durduraca\u011f\u0131 varsay\u0131lan kavramlar\u0131n yetersizli\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kartarak k\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Auschwitz sonras\u0131nda her \u015fey bir vaat olarak de\u011fil, bir h\u00fck\u00fcm olarak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn h\u00e2le gelmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Gazze\u2019de, \u00e7o\u011fu sivil, pek \u00e7o\u011fu \u00e7ocuk yakla\u015f\u0131k 100.000 Filistinli \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc. Aileler yok edildi. Okullar, hastaneler, ibadethaneler, m\u00fclteci kamplar\u0131, mahalleler yerle bir edildi. Bar\u0131nma, beslenme, sa\u011fl\u0131k, su gibi ya\u015fam\u0131n en temel ko\u015fullar\u0131 sistematik bi\u00e7imde hedef al\u0131n\u0131p yok edildi. Gazze devasa bir harabeye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc; neredeyse hayatta kalman\u0131n kendisi imk\u00e2ns\u0131z h\u00e2le geldi. \u00c7ocuklar yaln\u0131zca bombalarla de\u011fil, susuzluk, a\u00e7l\u0131k, tedavi edilmeyen yaralar, \u00f6nlenebilir hastal\u0131klar y\u00fcz\u00fcnden de \u00f6l\u00fcyor. Tan\u0131k oldu\u011fumuz \u015fey yaln\u0131zca kitlesel \u00f6ld\u00fcrme de\u011fil; bir toplumun ya\u015fam olanaklar\u0131n\u0131n sistemli\u00a0 bi\u00e7imde yok edilmesidir.<\/p>\n

Y\u0131k\u0131lan sadece bedenler de\u011fildir; bu y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131 anlatmak i\u00e7in kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z dil de \u00e7\u00f6kt\u00fc. Enkaz alt\u0131nda kalan yaln\u0131zca Gazze de\u011fil, bu y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131 ahlaki bir netlikle ifade etme kabiliyetimizdir. \u015eiddet art\u0131k gizlenmiyor. Art\u0131k pi\u015fmanl\u0131k da duyulmuyor. Politikac\u0131lar bu y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131 sadece kabullenmekle kalmad\u0131lar, onunla \u00f6v\u00fcnmeye ba\u015flad\u0131lar. Ba\u015fbakan Netanyahu, \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 cihazlar\u0131n\u0131 nas\u0131l patlatt\u0131klar\u0131yla ilgili alayc\u0131 espriler yap\u0131yor. Donald Trump, 2025\u2019te yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir konu\u015fmada, Gazze\u2019yi \u201cRiviera\u201dya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmeyi \u00f6nerdi. Bunlar dil s\u00fcr\u00e7mesi de\u011fildi. Bunlar bir mesajd\u0131\u2014kitlesel \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn bir tatil yeri projesine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesinin ilan\u0131. Etnik temizlik art\u0131k bir gayrimenkul-bina dikme f\u0131rsat\u0131 olarak pazarlan\u0131yor. Art\u0131k en ufak bir utan\u00e7 kalmam\u0131\u015f vaziyette. \u015eiddet, \u015firketlerin \u201cmarka stratejisine\u201d d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Sanki antik \u00e7a\u011f geri gelmi\u015ftir. Antik \u00e7a\u011fda krallar katliamlar\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f kabartmalarda \u00f6v\u00fcnerek anlat\u0131rlard\u0131. Bug\u00fcn\u00fcn tan\u0131t\u0131m videolar\u0131, bas\u0131n toplant\u0131lar\u0131 o eski ta\u015f an\u0131tlar\u0131n dijital versiyonlar\u0131d\u0131r. Liderlerimiz, utan\u00e7 duymadan hatta tam aksine, bu g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcleri birer g\u00f6rsel \u015f\u00f6lene d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrerek sunuyorlar.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcm bunlar, \u00e7ok daha derin bir \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015fe i\u015faret ediyor: \u015eiddeti konu\u015furken kendimize koydu\u011fumuz ahl\u00e2ki s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n art\u0131k \u00e7\u00f6km\u00fc\u015f oldu\u011funa. 1945 sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemin ahlaki grameri, bug\u00fcn tan\u0131k oldu\u011fumuz bu deh\u015feti a\u00e7\u0131klamaya yetmiyor.<\/p>\n

\u015eiddetin Dili: Talat ve \u0130smet Pa\u015falardan ABD D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na<\/strong>
\nGazze\u2019de ya\u015fanan deh\u015fet art\u0131k ink\u00e2r edilmiyor. Aksine, a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a kabul ediliyor\u2014ve me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131yor. \u201cEvet, bunlar ya\u015fan\u0131yor,\u201d deniliyor, \u201cama bunlar\u0131n sorumlusu Hamas.\u201d ABD D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre \u00f6nce \u015fu a\u00e7\u0131klamay\u0131 yapt\u0131: \u201cGazze\u2019de olup biten her \u015fey, Hamas y\u00fcz\u00fcnden oluyor\u2026 B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar, Hamas t\u00fcm rehineleri iade ederse bir anda sona erebilir.\u201d\u00a0\u00a0(4)\u00a0Bu s\u00f6zler \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k bir mesaj i\u00e7eriyor: Belirli talepler kar\u015f\u0131lanmad\u0131k\u00e7a \u015fiddet devam edecek.<\/p>\n

Bu olup bitenleri a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a, en k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir teredd\u00fct ya da ses tonunda bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f olmadan gerek\u00e7elendirmek\u2014asl\u0131nda su\u00e7u do\u011frudan kabul etmektir. Sebepsiz hi\u00e7bir kitlesel k\u0131y\u0131m yoktur. Her yok etme eylemi, istisnas\u0131z bir gerek\u00e7eyle sunulur. Bug\u00fcn bu gerek\u00e7eleri \u00f6ne s\u00fcrenler, su\u00e7un kendisini ink\u00e2r etmiyorlar \u2014sadece onayl\u0131yorlar. Bize bu su\u00e7un neden i\u015flendi\u011fini anlat\u0131yorlar ve bunu yaparken kendilerini savunmuyorlar; fark\u0131nda olmadan ama gururla, itirafta bulunuyorlar.
\nBu mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n uzun bir ge\u00e7mi\u015fi var. 1916 ve 1918 y\u0131llar\u0131nda Talat Pa\u015fa, \u0130ttihat ve Terakki kongrelerinde Ermeni Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131\u2019n\u0131 savunurken bu dili kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131: \u201cErmeniler ba\u015flar\u0131na gelenlerden ancak kendilerini sorumlu tutabilirler.\u201d\u00a0(5)\u00a0 Yedi y\u0131l sonra, 1923 Lozan Konferans\u0131\u2019nda ayn\u0131 mant\u0131k tekrarlan\u0131r. \u0130smet Pa\u015fa, bir konu\u015fmas\u0131nda Ermeni meselesinin toplant\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcndemine gelmesini daha ba\u015ftan engellemi\u015fti: \u201cErmenilere ne olduysa, onlar\u0131n yapt\u0131klar\u0131ndan dolay\u0131 olmu\u015ftur.\u201d\u00a0\u00a0(6)\u00a0Bu c\u00fcmle, tonunda hi\u00e7bir de\u011fi\u015fiklik olmaks\u0131z\u0131n, bug\u00fcn Gazze hakk\u0131nda ABD D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n temel s\u00f6yleminde yeniden kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. Bir zamanlar T\u00fcrk ink\u00e2r politikas\u0131n\u0131n temel refleksi olan bu arg\u00fcman, \u015fimdi d\u00fcnyan\u0131n s\u00fcper g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn diplomatik dili h\u00e2line gelmi\u015f durumda.<\/p>\n

Arendt bu \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015fe kar\u015f\u0131 bir kurtulu\u015f program\u0131 sunmaz. Onun \u00f6nerdi\u011fi, \u00e7ok daha riskli bir \u015feydir: d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme zorunlulu\u011fu. Gelene\u011fin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyle olu\u015fan bo\u015flu\u011fu fark etmek, bu bo\u015flu\u011fu kolay cevaplarla, aidiyet refleksleriyle; ya da kurumsal sadakatlerle doldurma cazibesine kar\u015f\u0131 koymak. Bu \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131, bug\u00fcn her zamankinden daha acil. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc e\u011fer soyk\u0131r\u0131m bile anlat\u0131labilir, gerek\u00e7elendirilebilir, pazarlanabilir h\u00e2le geldiyse\u2014 bu alan, yani soyk\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 \u00f6nlemek i\u00e7in do\u011fmu\u015f olan disiplin, onlar\u0131 adland\u0131rmaktan bile \u00e7ekinir olmu\u015fsa\u2014o zaman, art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca bir akademik disiplinin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne de\u011fil, o disipline anlam kazand\u0131ran ahlaki d\u00fcnyan\u0131n da enkaz\u0131na tan\u0131kl\u0131k ediyoruz.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrk ve \u0130srail \u0130nk\u00e2rc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 Aras\u0131nda \u00c7arp\u0131c\u0131 Benzerlikler<\/strong>
\nErmeni Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 \u00fczerine \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bizler i\u00e7in, Gazze \u00fczerine kurulan s\u00f6ylem neredeyse bir d\u00e9j\u00e0 vu gibidir. Bug\u00fcn \u0130srail ve savunucular\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan dile getirilen tek bir arg\u00fcman yoktur ki, bir as\u0131rdan fazla bir s\u00fcre \u00f6nce Osmanl\u0131-T\u00fcrk devleti taraf\u0131ndan kullan\u0131lmam\u0131\u015f olsun. Bu dili tan\u0131yoruz. Bu retorik d\u00fczenin i\u00e7inde ya\u015fad\u0131k. Bir anlamda, art\u0131k bu mant\u0131\u011fa ba\u011f\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131k kazand\u0131k\u2014\u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc biz bunlar\u0131n hepsini daha \u00f6nce duyduk.\u00a0(7)<\/p>\n

En temel arg\u00fcmandan ba\u015flayal\u0131m: yok edilme korkusu ile \u00f6z savunma ihtiyac\u0131. Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n bir s\u00fcredir T\u00fcrk ink\u00e2rc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc \u015fu tez olu\u015fturur: Anadolu, Avrupa ile Kafkasya\u2019dan zor kurtulmu\u015f M\u00fcsl\u00fcman T\u00fcrkler i\u00e7in son s\u0131\u011f\u0131nakt\u0131r. \u015eimdi bu son vatan topraklar\u0131nda bile d\u00fc\u015fmanlarla \u00e7evrilidirler. Bu d\u00fc\u015fmanlar, bizi yok etmek i\u00e7in uygun an\u0131 beklemektedir.\u00a0\u00a0(8)\u00a0Bu g\u00fc\u00e7lere kar\u015f\u0131 T\u00fcrkler, s\u00fcrekli bir varolu\u015f sava\u015f\u0131 verdiklerini iddia eder. Bu anlat\u0131ya g\u00f6re 1915\u2019te ya\u015fananlar bir soyk\u0131r\u0131m de\u011fil, ulusal savunmayd\u0131. \u0130smet Pa\u015fa\u2019n\u0131n Lozan\u2019da ifade etti\u011fi gibi: \u201cVarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 koruma hakk\u0131n\u0131 idrak eden T\u00fcrk Devleti, ba\u015fka herhangi bir ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z devlet gibi, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na y\u00f6nelen tehditlere kar\u015f\u0131 gerekli g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc her tedbiri almaktan \u00e7ekinmeyecektir.\u201d\u00a0\u00a0(9)\u00a02005 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u0130stanbul\u2019da d\u00fczenlenen ilk b\u00fcy\u00fck ele\u015ftirel Ermeni Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 konferans\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda, g\u00fcnlerce d\u0131\u015far\u0131da protestocular \u201cBiz soyk\u0131r\u0131m yapmad\u0131k, vatan\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 savunduk\u201d yaz\u0131l\u0131 pankartlarla beklediler.<\/p>\n

\u2018Ermeni Ter\u00f6ristler\u2019: Hamas ve PKK<\/strong>
\nGazze\u2019deki katliamlar\u0131n me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131nda da benzer bir yap\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Burada, Hamas\u2019\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ba\u015fl\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131na katliamlar\u0131n temel nedeni olarak sunuluyor. Bir ter\u00f6r \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc taraf\u0131ndan i\u015flenen su\u00e7lar, \u0130srail\u2019in eylemlerine gerek\u00e7e olu\u015fturuyor ve bu eylemler me\u015fru \u00f6z savunma hakk\u0131 olarak \u00e7er\u00e7eveleniyor. Ermeni Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 \u00fczerine \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bizler bu gerek\u00e7eyi hemen tan\u0131r\u0131z. Bu, daha \u00f6nce sahnelenmi\u015f bir oyunun tekrar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu anlat\u0131ya g\u00f6re, Ermeni ter\u00f6rist gruplar 1890\u2019lardan itibaren M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlara y\u00f6nelik sald\u0131r\u0131lar d\u00fczenlemekteydi. Sadece M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131 \u00f6ld\u00fcrmekle kalm\u0131yor, ayn\u0131 zamanda kendi eylemlerini desteklemeyen Ermenileri de tehdit edip \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcyorlard\u0131. Nihai hedefleri ise Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nu y\u0131kmak ve bu ama\u00e7la yabanc\u0131 devletlerle i\u015f birli\u011fi yapmaktan \u00e7ekinmemekti.<\/p>\n

Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda, Osmanl\u0131 Devleti Rusya\u2019ya kar\u015f\u0131 bir \u201cvarolu\u015f sava\u015f\u0131\u201d y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclerek, Ermeni milislerin d\u00fczensiz birlikler\u2014\u00e7eteler\u2014olu\u015fturup Van, Kars ve Ardahan gibi b\u00f6lgelerde sald\u0131r\u0131lar d\u00fczenledi\u011fi, binlerce M\u00fcsl\u00fcman\u0131 \u00f6ld\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc iddia edilir. Bu gruplar, ayn\u0131 anlat\u0131ya g\u00f6re, ilerleyen Rus ordusunun \u00f6nc\u00fc kuvveti olarak hareket etmi\u015ftir. Nisan 1915\u2019te Van\u2019da ya\u015fananlar ise bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede b\u00fcy\u00fck bir isyan olarak de\u011ferlendirilir; Ermeniler, iddiaya g\u00f6re, \u015fehri Rus deste\u011fiyle ele ge\u00e7irmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Bu anlat\u0131 yap\u0131s\u0131nda, bug\u00fcn \u201csoyk\u0131r\u0131m\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z olaylar, asl\u0131nda me\u015fru bir \u00f6z savunma sava\u015f\u0131 olarak sunulur. Ya\u015fanan \u00f6l\u00fcmler kas\u0131tl\u0131 bir plan\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc de\u011fil, sava\u015f ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz sonucudur. Osmanl\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmeti, sivil kay\u0131plar\u0131 en aza indirmek i\u00e7in elinden geleni yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; ya\u015fanan ac\u0131lar ise sava\u015f\u0131n do\u011fal sonucudur, denir.<\/p>\n

Bu anlat\u0131 sadece Ermeni meselesiyle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmad\u0131. Daha sonra K\u00fcrt meselesinde de ayn\u0131 s\u00f6ylem yap\u0131s\u0131 yeniden kuruldu. Bu ba\u011flamda \u201c\u00e7ete\u201d kelimesi yerini \u201cter\u00f6rist\u201de b\u0131rakt\u0131. K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n uzun s\u00fcredir dile getirdi\u011fi siyasal talepler, gayrime\u015fru birer tehdit olarak yeniden tan\u0131mland\u0131. Devletin PKK\u2019ya y\u00f6nelik tutumu, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n tamam\u0131n\u0131 anlamland\u0131rmada birincil merce\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Bir kez daha, varolu\u015fsal tehdit s\u00f6ylemi politikay\u0131 \u015fekillendiren temel dil haline geldi. Y\u00f6netim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 da buna g\u00f6re yeniden d\u00fczenlendi: kitlesel tutuklamalar, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel yasaklar ile asker\u00ee operasyonlar, politik stratejiler olarak de\u011fil, g\u00fcvenlik tedbirleri olarak sunuldu.<\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcn Gazze\u2019ye dair bask\u0131n anlat\u0131lar da ayn\u0131 mant\u0131kla kuruluyor. Hamas\u2019\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fi \u015fiddet eylemleri, b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7ekli toplu cezaland\u0131rman\u0131n gerek\u00e7esi olarak sunuluyor. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n alt\u0131nda yatan varsay\u0131m \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k: militan bir \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, sistematik bask\u0131y\u0131 me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yor; bu bask\u0131ya g\u00f6sterilen her t\u00fcrl\u00fc tepki ise ilk tehdidin teyidi olarak yorumlan\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

Ancak burada mesele bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin yap\u0131s\u0131-do\u011fas\u0131 ya da \u015fiddet kullanma d\u00fczeyi de\u011fil. PKK lideri 2000 y\u0131l\u0131nda yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 savunmada, \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn siviller ve rakip K\u00fcrt gruplar da d\u00e2hil olmak \u00fczere 15 binden fazla \u00f6l\u00fcmden sorumlu oldu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a kabul etmi\u015fti. Bu sat\u0131rlar\u0131n yazar\u0131, PKK\u2019dan gelen tehditler nedeniyle y\u0131llarca saklanmak zorunda kald\u0131. Alman g\u00fcvenlik makamlar\u0131, yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131nda yeni bir kimlik; hatta y\u00fcz ameliyat\u0131 bile teklif etmi\u015flerdi.<\/p>\n

Bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin \u015fiddet ile ili\u015fkisini kabul etmek meselenin \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc de\u011fi\u015ftirmez. Bu anlat\u0131lar ya da bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlere dair g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler, Filistinlilerin ya da K\u00fcrtlerin maruz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 yap\u0131sal bask\u0131y\u0131 perdelemek i\u00e7in kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, bu yakla\u015f\u0131m metodolojik olarak sorunludur. Militan gruplar\u0131n eylemlerini, kurumsal e\u015fitsizliklerin yerini alacak \u015fekilde merkeze koymak, bask\u0131n\u0131n nedenini a\u00e7\u0131klamak de\u011fil, onu yeniden \u00fcretmektir. Daha temel bir sorun ise \u015fudur: egemen grubun, ezilenlerin direni\u015f bi\u00e7imini, bu direni\u015fin me\u015fruiyetini belirleme hakk\u0131na sahip oldu\u011funu varsaymak, bir ilke de\u011fil, bir kibir bi\u00e7imidir. Bu, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olanlar\u0131n sadece direni\u015fi bast\u0131rmakla yetinmeyip, ezilenlere nas\u0131l direnmeleri gerekti\u011fini de dikte etti\u011fi bir konumdur.<\/p>\n

\u0130fade \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn Su\u00e7la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131<\/strong>
\nBu ba\u011flamda en \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 benzerliklerden biri, ifade \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn yasal yollarla bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. Almanya ile Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri\u2019nde, antisemitizm su\u00e7lamalar\u0131 giderek daha fazla bir \u015fekilde, \u0130srail politikalar\u0131n\u0131 ele\u015ftirmenin me\u015fruiyetini sorgulamak; ya da Gazze ba\u011flam\u0131nda \u201csoyk\u0131r\u0131m\u201d terimini kullanmay\u0131 itibars\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in kullan\u0131l\u0131yor. Bu dinamik hen\u00fcz ABD ve Avrupa\u2019da yasalara tam olarak yans\u0131mad\u0131. Ama antisemitizm su\u00e7lamas\u0131, \u0130srail\u2019e ele\u015ftirel yakla\u015fanlar\u0131n me\u015fru kamusal s\u00f6ylem s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131na itilmesine y\u00f6nelik a\u00e7\u0131k bir \u00e7abad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

A\u00e7\u0131k konu\u015fmak gerekirse, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Ermeni Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 \u00fczerine \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bizler, bu durumu ac\u0131 bir tebess\u00fcmle kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131yoruz. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bizde \u201cT\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lamak\u201d uzun s\u00fcredir bir su\u00e7 say\u0131l\u0131yor. Ermeni Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131\u2019na kamuya a\u00e7\u0131k \u015fekilde at\u0131fta bulunmak, onlarca y\u0131ld\u0131r yarg\u0131lanma sebebi oluyor.\u00a0\u00a0(10)\u00a0T\u00fcrk Ceza Kanunu\u2019nun 301. maddesine g\u00f6re, soyk\u0131r\u0131ma \u201csoyk\u0131r\u0131m\u201d demek, ulusal kimli\u011fe sald\u0131r\u0131 say\u0131l\u0131yor. Bu su\u00e7lama, 2007 y\u0131l\u0131nda suikasta u\u011frayan Hrant Dink\u2019in hedef h\u00e2line gelmesinde merkezi rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ayn\u0131 yasa, bu sat\u0131rlar\u0131n yazar\u0131 da d\u00e2hil olmak \u00fczere, bir\u00e7ok ki\u015fiye kar\u015f\u0131 kullan\u0131ld\u0131. Hrant Dink\u2019in o\u011flu Arat Dink, sadece \u201csoyk\u0131r\u0131m\u201d kelimesini yay\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in bir y\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n hapis cezas\u0131na \u00e7arpt\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n

Hrant Dink\u2019in \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesinin ard\u0131ndan gelen yo\u011fun toplumsal tepki \u00fczerine, h\u00fck\u00fcmet geri ad\u0131m atmak zorunda kald\u0131. 301. maddeye dava a\u00e7mak i\u00e7in Adalet Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019ndan \u00f6zel izin al\u0131nmas\u0131 \u015fart\u0131n\u0131 getirdi. Ancak bu yasa h\u00e2l\u00e2, Ermeni Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 hakk\u0131nda konu\u015fan herkesin ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerinde Demokles\u2019in k\u0131l\u0131c\u0131 gibi sallan\u0131yor. Bu tarihsel tecr\u00fcbeyi ya\u015fam\u0131\u015f olan bizler i\u00e7in, ABD ile Almanya\u2019n\u0131n \u0130srail\u2019in soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 \u00fczerine yap\u0131lan tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 antisemitizm olarak damgalay\u0131p ifade \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kapsam\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131na itmesine pek de \u015fa\u015f\u0131rm\u0131yoruz.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki akademisyenler ile aktivistler aras\u0131nda uzun zamand\u0131r dola\u015fan bir s\u00f6z vard\u0131r: \u201cBat\u0131\u2019da uygulamaya sokulacak bask\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6nlemler \u00f6nce T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de test edilir.\u201d Trump d\u00f6neminde y\u00fckselen otoriter s\u00f6ylem bu izlenimi daha da peki\u015ftirdi\u2014Bu, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de bir\u00e7oklar\u0131n\u0131n zaten \u00e7ok yak\u0131ndan bildi\u011fi taktiklerin bir yans\u0131mas\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n

\u0130srail ile T\u00fcrkiye aras\u0131nda dikkat \u00e7ekici yap\u0131sal benzerlikler var. Daha \u00f6nce de belirtildi\u011fi gibi, bunlardan en \u00f6nemlilerinden biri, her iki devletin de i\u015fledikleri kitlesel \u015fiddet su\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 ink\u00e2r etme konusundaki ortak yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131d\u0131r. Her iki \u00fclke de kendi varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrekli bir tehdit alt\u0131nda g\u00f6rmekte, bu alg\u0131ya g\u00f6re \u015fekillendirilmi\u015f uzun vadeli g\u00fcvenlik doktrinleri geli\u015ftirmektedir. Bu doktrinlerin temel unsurlar\u0131ndan biri d\u0131\u015fa d\u00f6n\u00fck sald\u0131rganl\u0131kt\u0131r. Hem \u0130srail\u2019in hem de T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin geni\u015flemeci politikalar izlemesi, resmi s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesine uzanan m\u00fcdahalelerde bulunmas\u0131 tesad\u00fcf de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

Sonu\u00e7 olarak, Ortado\u011fu\u2019da iki Apartheid rejimiyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yay\u0131z. \u0130srail\u2019in Apartheid rejimi oldu\u011fu konusunda olduk\u00e7a geni\u015f, k\u00f6kl\u00fc bir literat\u00fcr vard\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de de Hristiyanlar, Yahudiler, K\u00fcrtlerle Aleviler hukuk \u00f6n\u00fcnde tam e\u015fitli\u011fe sahip de\u011fildirler. Y\u00fcr\u00fctme, yasama ya da yarg\u0131n\u0131n en \u00fcst kademeleri a\u00e7\u0131k ya da gizli yasal tedbirler ile yerle\u015fik k\u00fclt\u00fcrel normlar\u0131n\u0131n birle\u015fimi sonucu bu gruplara tamam\u0131yla kapal\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130srail ile T\u00fcrkiye\u2014biri Yahudi devleti, di\u011feri T\u00fcrk devleti olarak\u2014egemen etno-dinsel kimli\u011fin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kalanlar\u0131 marjinalle\u015ftirerek disiplin alt\u0131na alma konusunda benzer y\u00f6ntemleri benimsemi\u015flerdir. S\u0131radan bask\u0131 mekanizmalar\u0131 yetersiz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, her ikisi de kitlesel \u015fiddete ba\u015fvurmaktan \u00e7ekinmez.\u00a0(11)<\/p>\n

\u0130srail\u2019in Gazze\u2019deki soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131, kendi tarihsel ba\u011flam\u0131yla \u015fekillense de mant\u0131k d\u00fczeyinde ulus-devletin g\u00fcvenlik paranoyas\u0131na dair ders kitaplar\u0131na girecek bir \u00f6rnektir: burada savunma, tahakk\u00fcmle birle\u015fmi\u015f ve \u00f6tekinin yok edilmesine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Kal\u0131c\u0131 bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n, ancak tehdit olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclen unsurlar\u0131n tamamen ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131yla sa\u011flanabilece\u011fi inanc\u0131 yeni de\u011fildir. Bu, tarihin uzun s\u00fcreli bir kal\u0131b\u0131n\u0131n yaln\u0131zca yeni bir tekrar\u0131ndan ibarettir.<\/p>\n

Bir Sonu\u00e7 Yerine<\/strong>
\n\u0130\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fumuz tarihsel an\u0131 anlaml\u0131 k\u0131lan, yaln\u0131zca \u0130srail\u2019in \u015fiddet eylemleri de\u011fildir. Buna ek olarak, Holokost ve Soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 alan\u0131n\u0131n bu \u015fiddete verdi\u011fi\u2014ya da veremedi\u011fi\u2014tepkidir de. Bunun nedeni, alan\u0131n k\u0131smen \u0130srail ile kurdu\u011fu sembolik kurumsal yak\u0131nl\u0131kla \u015fekillenmi\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Gazze\u2019deki geli\u015fmeler, bu nedenle alan i\u00e7inde derin bir kriz yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bir zamanlar di\u011fer vakalar hakk\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131k, net konu\u015fabilen akademisyenler, \u015fimdi ayn\u0131 ahlaki ilkeleri \u0130srail\u2019e uygulamakta ikircikli davran\u0131yorlar\u2014ya istekli de\u011filler ya da cesaret edemiyorlar. Evrensel ilke yerine ulusal sadakati \u00f6nceleyen pek \u00e7ok ki\u015fi\u2014belki de fark\u0131nda bile olmadan\u2014ink\u00e2rc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n s\u0131radanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na s\u00fcr\u00fcklenmi\u015f durumda.<\/p>\n

Bu nedenle tan\u0131k oldu\u011fumuz \u015fey sadece bir siyasi kriz ya da insani felaket de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 zamanda ahlaki entelekt\u00fcel altyap\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bir zamanlar yarg\u0131lar\u0131m\u0131za y\u00f6n verdi\u011fini iddia eden gelenek\u2014Ayd\u0131nlanmaya dayanan, sava\u015f sonras\u0131 ahlaki dil ile \u015fekillenen, Holokost ile Soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda v\u00fccut bulan bu gelenek\u2014bug\u00fcn\u00fcn y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fc ta\u015f\u0131yam\u0131yor. Arendt\u2019in s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc etti\u011fi o korkuluklar art\u0131k yok, ama y\u00f6n aray\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131z devam ediyor.\u00a0\u201cDas Licht der \u00d6ffentlichkeit verdunkelt alles \u2013 kamusal alan\u0131n \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131 her \u015feyi karart\u0131yor.\u201d<\/em>\u00a0(12)\u00a0Arendt\u2019in bu metaforu \u00e7ok \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r: ayd\u0131nlatmayan, aksine g\u00f6zleri kama\u015ft\u0131ran bir \u0131\u015f\u0131kt\u0131r bu. Sadece ger\u00e7e\u011fi de\u011fil, vicdan\u0131 ve bizi insan yapan de\u011ferleri de karart\u0131r. Medya, siyaset\u00e7iler, kurumlar taraf\u0131ndan sunulan \u201ca\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131k\u201d, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman karanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 daha da derinle\u015ftirmekten ba\u015fka bir i\u015fe yaram\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

\u00d6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki g\u00f6rev yaln\u0131zca if\u015fa etmek de\u011fil, ayd\u0131nlatmakt\u0131r\u2014farkl\u0131 bir \u0131\u015f\u0131k tutacak olanlar\u0131 bulmak ya da belki de onlara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmektir. \u0130\u015fte \u015fimdi ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fumuz ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 budur. Karanl\u0131k zamanlarda ya\u015f\u0131yoruz\u2014Holokost ile Soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 alan\u0131, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc ahlaki enkazdan, miras ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 isme ya da yozla\u015fm\u0131\u015f gelene\u011fine tutunarak \u00e7\u0131kamaz. Alan, yolun sonunda de\u011fil\u2014e\u011fer cesaret edebilirse\u2014radikal bir yeniden do\u011fu\u015fun e\u015fi\u011findedir.<\/p>\n

Notlar<\/strong><\/p>\n

(1)\u00a0Hannah Arendt, Men in Dark Times (New York: Harcourt, 1968), viii.<\/em><\/p>\n

(2)\u00a0Bu konuda istisnalardan biri The Journal of Genocide Research dergisidir. \u0130srail\u2019in soyk\u0131r\u0131msal eylemlerinin ba\u015flamas\u0131ndan bu yana, dergi bu soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 k\u0131nayan akademik yaz\u0131lara yer vermi\u015ftir.<\/em><\/p>\n

(3)\u00a0Hannah Arendt, Between Past and Future: Eight Exercises in Political Thought (New York: Penguin Books, 2006), giri\u015f b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc.<\/em><\/p>\n

(4)\u00a0Tammy Bruce, ABD D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Bas\u0131n Toplant\u0131s\u0131, 31 Mart 2025. Eri\u015fim: https:\/\/www.state.gov\/briefings\/department-press-briefing-march-31-2025\/<\/em><\/p>\n

(5)\u00a0Talat\u2019\u0131n 1916 kongresine sundu\u011fu rapor i\u00e7in bkz.: Tanin, 29 Eyl\u00fcl 1916; 1918 kongresi i\u00e7in bkz.: Bayur, T\u00fcrk \u0130nk\u0131lap Tarihi, Cilt III, K\u0131s\u0131m 3 (Ankara: T\u00fcrk Tarih Kurumu, 1983), s. 44.<\/em><\/p>\n

(6)\u00a0Seha L. Meray (ed.), Lozan Bar\u0131\u015f Konferans\u0131 Tutanaklar Belgeler, K\u0131s\u0131m 1, Cilt 1, Kitap 1 (\u0130stanbul: Yap\u0131 Kredi Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 1993), s. 197<\/em><\/p>\n

(7)\u00a0Burada \u00f6zellikle \u0130srail ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin resm\u00ee ink\u00e2r stratejileri aras\u0131ndaki paralelliklere odaklan\u0131yorum. Bu, iki vaka aras\u0131nda \u00f6nemli farklar olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmiyor. Aksine, bu farklar\u0131 yan yana incelemek bize son derece faydal\u0131 ip u\u00e7lar\u0131 sunacakt\u0131r<\/em><\/p>\n

(8)\u00a0Her iki devletin kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya oldu\u011fu tehditlerin ne kadar ger\u00e7ek oldu\u011fu \u2014 veya ne kadar farkl\u0131 olduklar\u0131 \u2014 nihayetinde ikincil \u00f6nemdedir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu i\u015fin mant\u0131\u011f\u0131nda alg\u0131n\u0131n, ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7mesi yatmaktad\u0131r ve grubun kendisini tehdit alt\u0131nda g\u00f6rmesi, tehdidi niteli\u011finden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ger\u00e7ek haline sokar. Ayr\u0131ca, T\u00fcrk\u00a0ink\u00e2rc\u0131lar\u0131 bu mant\u0131\u011f\u0131 tersine \u00e7evirerek, Yahudilerin Almanya i\u00e7in tehdit olu\u015fturmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ama Ermenilerin \u2014 Rusya\u2019n\u0131n deste\u011fiyle \u2014 imparatorlu\u011fu b\u00f6lmeye haz\u0131r bir tehlike olduklar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ne s\u00fcrerler.<\/em><\/p>\n

(9)\u00a0Seha L. Meray (ed.), Lozan Bar\u0131\u015f Konferans\u0131 Tutanaklar Belgeler, 199<\/em><\/p>\n

(10)\u00a0Burada \u201cT\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lamak\u201d ile antisemitizmin e\u015fde\u011fer kavramlar oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemiyorum. Ancak, her iki terimin de \u2014 iktidar sahipleri taraf\u0131ndan \u2014 ele\u015ftirel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi bast\u0131rmak ve a\u00e7\u0131k tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 susturmak i\u00e7in ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 vurgulamak istiyorum.<\/em><\/p>\n

(11)\u00a0Burada \u201cT\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lamak\u201d ile antisemitizmin e\u015fde\u011fer kavramlar oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemiyorum. Ancak, her iki terimin de \u2014 iktidar sahipleri taraf\u0131ndan \u2014 ele\u015ftirel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi bast\u0131rmak ve a\u00e7\u0131k tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 susturmak i\u00e7in ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 vurgulamak istiyorum.<\/em><\/p>\n

(12)\u00a0Hannah Arendt, Men in Dark Times, ix.<\/em><\/p>\n

(Bu yaz\u0131 ilk olarak 9 Nisan 2025’te Mirror Spectator\u2019da\u00a0yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r<\/a>)<\/em><\/p>\n

https:\/\/www.agos.com.tr\/tr\/yazi\/32653\/karanlik-zamanlarda-dusunmek-gelenegin-sonu-ve-holokost-ile-soykirim-calismalarinin-krizi\u00a0<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Taner Ak\u00e7am \u00a0 Gazze\u2019de ya\u015fanan deh\u015fet art\u0131k ink\u00e2r edilmiyor. \u201cEvet, bunlar ya\u015fan\u0131yor,\u201d deniliyor, \u201cama bunlar\u0131n sorumlusu Hamas.\u201d ABD D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre \u00f6nce \u015fu a\u00e7\u0131klamay\u0131 yapt\u0131: \u201cGazze\u2019de olup biten her \u015fey, Hamas y\u00fcz\u00fcnden oluyor\u2026 B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar, Hamas t\u00fcm rehineleri iade ederse bir anda sona erebilir.\u201d Bu s\u00f6zler \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k bir mesaj i\u00e7eriyor: Belirli […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":7,"featured_media":83326,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[44,1,70],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-83325","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-ermeni-soykirimi","category-haberler","category-makaleler"],"yoast_head":"\nKaranl\u0131k zamanlarda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek: Gelene\u011fin sonu ve Holokost ile Soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n krizi - 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