{"id":77355,"date":"2023-12-15T06:29:11","date_gmt":"2023-12-15T11:29:11","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/akunq.net\/tr\/?p=77355"},"modified":"2023-12-15T06:29:11","modified_gmt":"2023-12-15T11:29:11","slug":"2023te-sevr-ve-lozanin-ezberlenmis-hikayesi-degismek-zorunda","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/akunq.net\/tr\/?p=77355","title":{"rendered":"2023\u2019te Sevr ve Lozan\u2019\u0131n ezberlenmi\u015f hik\u00e2yesi de\u011fi\u015fmek zorunda"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\u201c100. y\u0131l\u0131 boyunca Cumhuriyetin kurulu\u015f ta\u015flar\u0131 olan Sevr ve Lozan \u00fczerine \u00e7ok \u015fey s\u00f6ylendi. Burada, bug\u00fcne kadar okuduklar\u0131n\u0131zdan farkl\u0131 bir tez dile getirilerek Sevr ve Lozan\u2019\u0131n bug\u00fcne kadar herkes\u00e7e bilinir ve ezberlenmi\u015f hik\u00e2yesinin art\u0131k de\u011fi\u015fmesinin \u015fart oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenecek. Hatta demokratik ve insan haklar\u0131na sayg\u0131 duyan bir gelecek i\u00e7in Sevr ve Lozan\u2019a ili\u015fkin bildiklerinizin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda yeni bir hik\u00e2yenin \u015fart oldu\u011fu ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclecek.\u201d<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

1916 Sykes-Picot-Sazanov projesine g\u00f6re Orta Do\u011fu topraklar\u0131n\u0131n payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131. \u0130talyan b\u00f6lgesi (Ye\u015fil), Frans\u0131z b\u00f6lgesi (Mavi), \u0130ngiliz b\u00f6lgesi (Pembe), Rus b\u00f6lgesi (Sar\u0131).<\/p>\n<\/div>\n
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TANER AK\u00c7AM<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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Ana bir soruyla ba\u015flayal\u0131m: Tarih \u00fczerine niye konu\u015furuz? Amerikan \u00fcniversitelerinin tarih b\u00f6l\u00fcmleri web sitelerinin hemen hepsi, de\u011fi\u015fik c\u00fcmlelerle de olsa ayn\u0131 cevab\u0131 verir: \u201cBug\u00fcn\u00fc anlamak i\u00e7in ge\u00e7mi\u015fe bakmak gerekir.\u201d Fazla kli\u015fe olan bu tan\u0131m yerine daha radikal bir tan\u0131m yapmak isterim. Ge\u00e7mi\u015fimiz sadece tarih de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda bug\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn yar\u0131n\u0131d\u0131r. Bu nedenle tarih \u00fczerine konu\u015fmak sadece ge\u00e7mi\u015fte olmu\u015f olaylar \u00fczerine konu\u015farak ge\u00e7mi\u015fi anlamak veya bug\u00fcn i\u00e7in ders \u00e7\u0131kartmak de\u011fildir. Tarih \u00fczerine konu\u015fmak bug\u00fcn ve gelecek \u00fczerine konu\u015fmakt\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, Sevr ve Lozan \u00fczerine konu\u015fmay\u0131 bug\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz ve yar\u0131n\u0131m\u0131z \u00fczerine bir konu\u015fma olarak telakki etmemiz gerek.<\/p>\n

Elbette de\u011fi\u015ftirilemez tarih\u00ee ger\u00e7eklik (hakikat) diye bir \u015fey vard\u0131r. Ve bu ger\u00e7eklik, yapaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z yorumlardan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zd\u0131r. Fakat her ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n, olgusal hakikatleri e\u011fip b\u00fckmeden, onlar\u0131 kendi ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na g\u00f6re yeniden d\u00fczenleyerek tarih yazma hakk\u0131 vard\u0131r. Zaten tarih boyunca tarih\u00e7iler ve tarih felsefecileri bize g\u00f6stermi\u015flerdir ki, yorum olmaks\u0131z\u0131n olgular\u0131 tespit etmek imk\u00e2ns\u0131zd\u0131r. Ge\u00e7mi\u015f, say\u0131s\u0131z olgudan olu\u015fan bir kaostur. Baz\u0131 olgular\u0131, anlataca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z hik\u00e2yeye ba\u011fl\u0131 ve belirledi\u011fimiz baz\u0131 kriterlere g\u00f6re bu olaylar kaosundan se\u00e7er ve sonra hik\u00e2yemizi kurgular\u0131z. Hangi olguyu se\u00e7ip se\u00e7meyece\u011fimizi belirleyen olgular\u0131n kendisi de\u011fil, anlataca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z hik\u00e2yeyedir. Sonu\u00e7ta, hik\u00e2yemizi anlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z sadece bize ait perspektif vard\u0131r ve bu orijinal olgular\u0131n do\u011fumuna yol a\u00e7an s\u00fcre\u00e7 ve perspektiften farkl\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Sevr ve Lozan\u2019a yeni bir hik\u00e2ye \u015fartt\u0131r<\/h3>\n

\u0130ddiam, Sevr ve Lozan\u2019\u0131n yeni bir hik\u00e2yesinin \u015fart oldu\u011fudur. Oysa bizim ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131m\u0131z Sevr ve Lozan\u2019a ili\u015fkin yeni bir hik\u00e2ye anlatma hakk\u0131n\u0131 kullanm\u0131yor. Ve bug\u00fcne kadar Sevr ve Lozan konusunda anlat\u0131lanlar\u0131n, sabit ve de\u011fi\u015fmez bir ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin hik\u00e2yesi oldu\u011funu zannediyor. Halbuki, neredeyse ezbere bildi\u011fimiz bu anlat\u0131lar, atalar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n bize anlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 hik\u00e2yenin durmadan tekrar edilmesinden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir. Deyim yerindeyse, atalar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n so\u011fuk elleri, mezarlar\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131karak bo\u011faz\u0131m\u0131za sar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve onu s\u0131k\u0131ca tutarak bak\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 tek ve sabit bir gelece\u011fe y\u00f6nlendirmektedir. Do\u011fdu\u011fumuz andan itibaren hissetti\u011fimiz o so\u011fuk el y\u00fcz\u00fcnden, Sevr ve Lozan\u2019a ili\u015fkin anlat\u0131lan hik\u00e2yeyi varolu\u015fumuzun do\u011fal, de\u011fi\u015fmez ve ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir par\u00e7as\u0131 san\u0131yoruz. Bu nedenle nadiren kendimizi sars\u0131p bu so\u011fuk elden kurtularak ba\u015fka gelecekler tasavvur ederiz.<\/p>\n

Sevr ve Lozan \u00fczerine yeni bir anlat\u0131 in\u015fa edilmesi \u015fartt\u0131r \u00f6nerim, ge\u00e7mi\u015fin, atalar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n bo\u011faz\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 s\u0131ms\u0131k\u0131 s\u0131kmakta olan o so\u011fuk ellerini gev\u015fetmeye bir \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131d\u0131r. Sevr ve Lozan \u00fczerine yapaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z bu yeni anlat\u0131, ba\u015f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 atalar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n so\u011fuk ellerinin g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi o tek istikametten kurtarma ve atalar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n hayal edemedi\u011fi ya da hayal etmemizi istemedi\u011fi ihtimalleri fark etme imk\u00e2n\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Lozan iki b\u00fcy\u00fck blokun uzla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr<\/h3>\n

Ortado\u011fu uzunca bir zamand\u0131r kan ve ate\u015f deryas\u0131. Irak, Suriye ve \u0130srail-Filistin\u2019de ya\u015fanan son \u00f6rnekler, \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n \u2013b\u0131rak\u0131n durulmay\u0131\u2013 \u00a0t\u00fcm b\u00f6lgeye yay\u0131lma potansiyeli oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steriyor. Tabloya Ermenistan-Azerbaycan \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 da ekleyebiliriz. B\u00f6lgede devletler aras\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131r sorunlar\u0131 ve baz\u0131 etnik-din gruplar\u0131n\u0131n temel demokratik taleplerinin h\u00e2l\u00e2 kar\u015f\u0131lanmam\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 ana sorun olarak duruyor. Ortado\u011fu\u2019da bug\u00fcnk\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131rlar esas olarak Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 \u015fekillendi. 1924 Lozan Antla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n hem Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131 bitiren hem de b\u00f6lgede s\u0131n\u0131r sava\u015flar\u0131na nihai noktay\u0131 koyan antla\u015fma oldu\u011fu kabul edilir.<\/p>\n

\"\"Ortado\u011fu-Kafkas s\u0131n\u0131r sava\u015flar\u0131 esas olarak iki b\u00fcy\u00fck politik blokun \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 sonucu \u015fekillendi. Blokun bir taraf\u0131nda T\u00fcrkler ve Ruslar (Kemalistler ve Bol\u015fevikler) vard\u0131. Blokun di\u011fer taraf\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nderli\u011fini \u0130ngiltere ve Fransa \u00e7ekiyordu. Sevr, \u0130ngiliz Frans\u0131z; Lozan, T\u00fcrk-Rus taraf\u0131n\u0131n zaferlerini sembolize eden antla\u015fmalard\u0131r. Lozan\u2019\u0131, Sevr\u2019i bitiren-ortadan kald\u0131ran antla\u015fma olarak bilinmesine ra\u011fmen, gene de iki blok aras\u0131nda bir uzla\u015fma metni saymak do\u011fru olur. Bu bak\u0131mdan, Ortado\u011fu, Sevr-Lozan koalisyonuyla \u015fekillendi demek yanl\u0131\u015f olmaz. T\u00fcrk-Bol\u015fevik blokunun kontrol\u00fcnde ve onlar\u0131n istedi\u011fi bi\u00e7imde \u00e7izilen b\u00f6lge, k\u0131smi stabilize kazand\u0131. Ama b\u00f6lgenin \u0130ngiliz-Frans\u0131z plan\u0131yla \u015fekillenmi\u015f k\u0131sm\u0131 h\u00e2l\u00e2 ciddi sorunlarla u\u011fra\u015f\u0131yor. L\u00fcbnan, Filistin, Suriye ve Irak onlarca y\u0131ld\u0131r b\u00fcy\u00fck sava\u015flar ve sars\u0131nt\u0131lar ya\u015f\u0131yor. Lozan uzla\u015fmas\u0131yla sonu\u00e7lanan iki blok aras\u0131ndaki b\u00f6lge payla\u015f\u0131m sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n \u0130srail-Filistin \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131yla yeniden alevlenmesi ve yeni bir boyuta evrilmesi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. T\u00fcrkiye ve Rusya (bu sefer \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n da deste\u011fiyle), \u0130ngiliz-Frans\u0131z ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 temsil eden ABD\u2019yi b\u00f6lgeden (\u00f6zellikle Suriye\u2019den) tamam\u0131yla \u00e7\u0131kartmak i\u00e7in f\u0131rsat olarak kullan\u0131rlarsa \u015fa\u015f\u0131rmamak gerekir.<\/p>\n

B\u00f6lgedeki kan-ve-ate\u015f g\u00f6l\u00fcn\u00fcn Jeo-stratejik sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 \u015fimdiden kestirmek elbette \u00e7ok zor. Olaylar bu y\u00f6ne evrilmese bile, b\u00f6lgedeki geli\u015fmelerin 1918-1924 d\u00f6nemini hat\u0131rlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. Bu, Sevr-Lozan tarihini bug\u00fcn\u00fcn ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na g\u00f6re yeniden okuma imk\u00e2n\u0131 olarak da de\u011ferlendirilebilir. Yukarda s\u00f6yledi\u011fim gibi, tarih bilimi zaten her ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n kendi ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na g\u00f6re ge\u00e7mi\u015fi yeniden okumas\u0131ndan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

Sevr ve Lozan tarihi sadece toprak payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n tarihi mi?<\/h3>\n

Bug\u00fcne kadar Sevr ve Lozan tarihi, esas olarak veya sadece \u201ctoprak ve s\u0131n\u0131r\u201d tarihi olarak okunmu\u015ftur ve h\u00e2l\u00e2 da \u00f6yle okunmaktad\u0131r. T\u00fcrkler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan Sevr, kendilerine Anadolu\u2019da k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir kara par\u00e7as\u0131 b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in kara bir lekedir. Nitekim Sevr\u2019i imzalayan Osmanl\u0131 y\u00f6neticileri, Ankara Meclisi taraf\u0131ndan \u201chain\u201d ilan edilerek idam cezas\u0131na \u00e7arpt\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.[1]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Ermeni, Yunan, K\u00fcrt topluluklar\u0131 i\u00e7in ise Sevr, toprak isteklerini tam olarak kar\u015f\u0131lam\u0131yor bile olsa, do\u011fru ve adil bir antla\u015fma idi. Benzeri tutum Lozan konusunda g\u00f6zlenir. Lozan T\u00fcrkler i\u00e7in, 1918 sava\u015f sonras\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 neredeyse yeniden elde ettikleri i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck bir zafer idi. Ermeni, Rum ve k\u0131smen K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in ise Lozan, Sevr\u2019de kendilerine verilen topraklar\u0131 kaybettikleri i\u00e7in tarih\u00ee bir haks\u0131zl\u0131kt\u0131r. Her ne kadar taraflar Sevr ve Lozan\u2019\u0131 de\u011ferlendirme konusunda y\u00fczde y\u00fcz z\u0131t g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flere sahip gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyorlarsa da, asl\u0131nda konuya ortak bir yerden bakmaktad\u0131rlar. Her iki taraf da Sevr-Lozan\u2019\u0131 esas olarak \u201cOsmanl\u0131\u2019dan kalan topraklar\u0131n payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131\u201d olarak okuyorlar. Anla\u015fmad\u0131klar\u0131, hangi topraklar \u00fczerinde kimin hakk\u0131 oldu\u011fu konusudur.<\/p>\n

Sevr ve Lozan\u2019\u0131 \u201ctoprak ve s\u0131n\u0131r sava\u015f\u0131\u201d olarak ele almak elbette yanl\u0131\u015f de\u011fildir. Bu sorun, 1918\u2019de Osmanl\u0131lar sava\u015f\u0131 kaybettiklerinde u\u011fra\u015f\u0131lan ana sorun idi ve merkez\u00ee soru \u015fuydu: Osmanl\u0131 devletinin toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc korunmal\u0131 m\u0131yd\u0131 yoksa bu topraklar \u00fczerinde yeni devletlerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na izin verilmeli miydi? E\u011fer izin verilecekse, bu yeni devletlerin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 nas\u0131l belirlenmeliydi?<\/p>\n

1918\u2019de cevab\u0131 aranan soru: adalet nas\u0131l sa\u011flanacak?<\/h3>\n

Fakat 1918 sonras\u0131 devlet adamalar\u0131n\u0131 bu sorun kadar u\u011fra\u015ft\u0131ran, hatta \u201ctoprak ve s\u0131n\u0131r\u201d meselesini de g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde belirleyen ikinci bir sorun daha vard\u0131. Burada da merkez\u00ee soru \u015fuydu: H\u0131ristiyanlara kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f zaman\u0131nda i\u015flenen su\u00e7lar ve failleri hakk\u0131nda ne yap\u0131labilir ve failler nas\u0131l cezaland\u0131r\u0131labilirdi? Burada iddiam \u015fudur ki, genel olarak insan haklar\u0131 sorunu veya katliamlara u\u011fram\u0131\u015f b\u00f6lge insanlar\u0131n\u0131n adalet aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131 olarak tan\u0131mlanan bu sorun 1918-1923 aras\u0131 ya\u015fananlar\u0131 \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde belirlemi\u015ftir. Konumuz a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6nemli olan, bu merkez\u00ee sorunun daha sonraki tarih yaz\u0131m\u0131ndan tamam\u0131yla kaybolmas\u0131 olacakt\u0131r. \u00d6rne\u011fin, Sevr Antla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n 230\u2019uncu maddesinin uluslararas\u0131 bir ceza mahkemesinin kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ama b\u00f6yle bir mahkemenin ancak 2000 y\u0131l\u0131nda ICC\u2019nin kurulmas\u0131yla ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fi hemen hi\u00e7 bilinmez. O halde 1918-1924 aras\u0131nda ya\u015fananlar\u0131 sadece bir toprak payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131 olarak de\u011fil, o d\u00f6nem ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015f katliamlara ili\u015fkin adalet aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131 tarihi olarak da anlatmak gerekir.<\/p>\n

\"\"Bu yaz\u0131da,\u00a0<\/strong>Sevr ve Lozan\u2019\u0131 bu unutulan tarih, yani \u201cadalet aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 tarihi\u201d \u00fczerinden okumaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131m. Bu t\u00fcr bir okuma, s\u00f6yledi\u011fim gibi, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz \u00fczerine de bir tart\u0131\u015fmad\u0131r. 1918-19\u2019lar ortam\u0131nda, sava\u015f s\u0131ras\u0131nda i\u015flenmi\u015f su\u00e7lar\u0131n yarg\u0131lanmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi konusunda bir uzla\u015fma vard\u0131. Taraflar\u0131n anla\u015famad\u0131klar\u0131 husus, cezaland\u0131rman\u0131n boyutlar\u0131na ili\u015fkindi. Sava\u015ftan galip olarak \u00e7\u0131kan M\u00fcttefik g\u00fc\u00e7lere egemen olan havay\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle \u00f6zetlemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fc: T\u00fcrkler Cihan Harbi s\u0131ras\u0131nda ba\u015fta Ermeniler olmak \u00fczere di\u011fer halklara kar\u015f\u0131 katliamlar d\u00fczenlediler. Bundan dolay\u0131 T\u00fcrklerin cezaland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve di\u011fer uluslar\u0131n (Arap, Yunan, Ermeni, vb.) T\u00fcrklerin egemenli\u011finden kurtar\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekiyordu. T\u00fcrklerin cezaland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 iki bi\u00e7imde olmal\u0131yd\u0131. Birincisi, di\u011fer uluslara kar\u015f\u0131 i\u015flenmi\u015f su\u00e7lardan dolay\u0131 sorumlu tutulan h\u00fck\u00fcmet \u00fcyelerinin ve di\u011fer sorumlular\u0131n ki\u015fisel olarak yarg\u0131lanmalar\u0131 ve ikincisi, T\u00fcrklerin kolektif olarak cezaland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131. Yani onlar\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011fu kadar k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve zay\u0131f bir devletle yetinmelerinin sa\u011flanmas\u0131. Osmanl\u0131\u2019dan kalan topraklar\u0131n, T\u00fcrklere Anadolu\u2019da k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir toprak b\u0131rakarak, b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7ler ve b\u00f6lge halklar\u0131 aras\u0131nda payla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmak istenmesinin g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrdeki nedeni, T\u00fcrkleri sava\u015f y\u0131llar\u0131nda i\u015fledikleri cinayetler nedeniyle kolektif olarak cezaland\u0131r\u0131lma arzusu idi.<\/p>\n

\u0130ngilizler i\u00e7in adalet: hem bireysel hem kolektif cezaland\u0131rma \u015fart<\/h3>\n

Sava\u015f biter bitmez, T\u00fcrklerin sava\u015f y\u0131llar\u0131 katliamlar\u0131 nedeniyle cezaland\u0131r\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 \u00e7ok y\u00fcksek sesle tekrar edilmeye ba\u015fland\u0131. Kafkasya \u0130ngiliz Kuvvetler Komutan\u0131 Milne, \u201cT\u00fcrklere \u00e7ok sert bir ders vermek gerekir\u201d diyordu.[2]<\/a><\/span>\u00a0Lloyd George, \u201cBar\u0131\u015f ko\u015fullar\u0131 ilan edilince zaten T\u00fcrklerin deliliklerinden, k\u00f6rl\u00fcklerinden, cinayetlerinden \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc ne kadar a\u011f\u0131r cezalara \u00e7arpt\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fclecektir… Cezalar onlar\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131n\u0131 bile yeterince tatmin edecek kadar m\u00fcthi\u015ftir\u201d derken Milne\u2019ye cevap veriyordu.[3]<\/a><\/span>\u00a0D\u00f6nemin \u0130ngiliz D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakan\u0131 Curzon, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi, \u201cmahk\u00fbm olmay\u0131 bekleyen bir su\u00e7lu\u201d olarak tan\u0131ml\u0131yordu.[4]<\/a><\/span>\u00a0\u00d6zetle, \u201cErmeni ve Yunan n\u00fcfusunun katliam(lar\u0131n\u0131n)…(T\u00fcrklerin) felaketler ve su\u00e7lar listesinin\u201d ba\u015f\u0131nda geldi\u011fi, ve \u201ckeyfilik ve katliama dayanan uzun bir esaret hayat\u0131 ya\u015fam\u0131\u015f halklar(\u0131n) h\u00fcrriyetlerine kavu\u015fturulmas\u0131\u201d gerekti\u011fi ve T\u00fcrklerin cezaland\u0131r\u0131lmalar\u0131 gerekti\u011fi ortak bir kanaatti.[5]<\/a><\/span>\u00a0Fakat cevap verilmesi gereken soru \u015fuydu; sava\u015f cinayetleri nedeniyle T\u00fcrklerin cezaland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 somutta ne anlama geliyordu? Ve bir ulusun cezaland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ne demekti?<\/p>\n

Lloyd George 20 Aral\u0131k 1917\u2019de yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir konu\u015fmada cezaland\u0131rman\u0131n kolektif olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k bir dille ifade eder: \u201cBir \u015fey vard\u0131r ki, kesinlikle tekrar etmeyecektir. T\u00fcrklerin kanl\u0131 diktat\u00f6rl\u00fckleri bir daha asla restore edilmeyecektir.\u201d[6]<\/a><\/span>\u00a0Sava\u015f sonras\u0131nda bu tutum daha da netle\u015fir. \u0130stanbul Y\u00fcksek Komiser Yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 Webb, 3 Nisan 1919\u2019da Paris Bar\u0131\u015f Konferans\u0131\u2019na g\u00f6nderdi\u011fi bir telgrafta, \u201cErmeni vah\u015fetinden su\u00e7lu olan b\u00fct\u00fcn ki\u015fileri cezaland\u0131rmak T\u00fcrklerin toptan cezaland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 gerektirir. Bu nedenle cezan\u0131n ulusal olarak, son T\u00fcrk imparatorlu\u011funun par\u00e7alanmas\u0131 bi\u00e7iminde ve ki\u015fisel olarak, bendeki listede yer alan y\u00fcksek g\u00f6revlilerin ak\u0131betleri \u00f6rnek olu\u015fturacak \u015fekilde yarg\u0131lanmalar\u0131 bi\u00e7iminde verilmesini \u00f6neriyorum\u201d der.[7]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"B\u00f6ylece M\u00fcttefikler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, i\u015fledikleri su\u00e7lar nedeniyle T\u00fcrklerin cezaland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik iki \u00f6nemli hedef ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Birincisi, Osmanl\u0131 devletinin egemenli\u011fi tan\u0131nmayarak devletin elinde kalan son topraklar\u0131n par\u00e7alanarak \u00fcst\u00fcnde k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck devletler kurulmas\u0131 ve ikincisi sava\u015f ve k\u0131r\u0131m su\u00e7lusu olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclen ki\u015filerin yarg\u0131lanmas\u0131. Sevr Antla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019nda bu iki cezaland\u0131rma da a\u00e7\u0131k olarak yer ald\u0131. Kolektif cezaland\u0131rman\u0131n Anadolu ile ilgili k\u0131sm\u0131na ili\u015fkin K\u00fcrtler, Kesim III (maddeler 62-64) \u0130zmir ve Yunanistan, Kesim IV ve V (maddeler 65-83 ve 84-87) ve Ermenistan Kesim VI (maddeler 88-93) \u00f6rnek olarak verilebilir. Buna, Ankara milliyet\u00e7i hareketinin Musul hari\u00e7 fazla ilgi g\u00f6stermedi\u011fi imparatorlu\u011fun Arap topraklar\u0131n\u0131n da\u011f\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131yla ilgili maddeler de eklenebilir.[8]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f haks\u0131zl\u0131klar i\u00e7in bireysel d\u00fczeyde Adalet aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131 Sevr Antla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n, Az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n Korunmas\u0131 B\u00f6l\u00fcm IV (maddeler 140-151) ve Yapt\u0131r\u0131mlar B\u00f6l\u00fcm VII (maddeler 226-230) ba\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131nda ele al\u0131nd\u0131. 140-151\u2019inci maddelere g\u00f6re, Osmanl\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmeti \u201cTu\u0308rkiye\u2019de oturan herkesin, do\u011fum, bir ulusal topluluktan olmak, dil, soy ya da din ayr\u0131m\u0131 yap\u0131lmaks\u0131z\u0131n ya\u015famlar\u0131n\u0131 ve \u00f6zgu\u0308rlu\u0308klerini korumak\u201dla y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcyd\u00fc. \u201cBu\u0308tu\u0308n Osmanl\u0131 uyruklar\u0131 yasa \u00f6nu\u0308nde e\u015fit olacaklar ve soy, dil ya da din ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6zetilmeksizin ayn\u0131 yurtta\u015fl\u0131k [meden\u00ee] haklar\u0131yla siyasal haklardan yararlanacaklard\u0131.\u201d Zorla din de\u011fi\u015ftirilmeler ge\u00e7ersiz say\u0131lacak ve isteyen eski dinine geri d\u00f6nebilecekti. Zorla evlerde tutulan \u00e7ocuk ve k\u0131zlar serbest b\u0131rak\u0131lacakt\u0131. E\u011fer insanlar hayatta iseler el konulan t\u00fcm mal ve m\u00fclkleri kendilerine, e\u011fer \u00f6lm\u00fc\u015flerse yak\u0131nlar\u0131na iade edilecekti.<\/p>\n

Yapt\u0131r\u0131mlar B\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, 226-230\u2019uncu maddeler ise bireysel cezaland\u0131rmalar\u0131n nas\u0131l yap\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 ile ilgiliydi. Buna g\u00f6re, sava\u015f ve katliam su\u00e7lusu olan ki\u015filer, \u201cOsmanl\u0131 makamlar\u0131nca kendilerine verilmi\u015f r\u00fctbe g\u00f6rev ya da i\u015ften\u201d ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak M\u00fcttefik kuvvetlerce yarg\u0131lanabilecekti. Yarg\u0131lamalar M\u00fcttefik devletlerin mahkemelerinde veya kurulacak \u00e7e\u015fitli asker\u00ee mahkemelerde olabilirdi. Osmanl\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmeti, yarg\u0131lanmas\u0131 istenen ki\u015fileri M\u00fcttefik kuvvetlere teslim etmek ve yarg\u0131lamalar hususunda her t\u00fcrl\u00fc yard\u0131m\u0131 yapmakla y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcyd\u00fc. 230\u2019uncu madde ise kurulmas\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclen uluslararas\u0131 ceza mahkemesiyle ilgiliydi.<\/p>\n

1918-1920 aras\u0131nda T\u00fcrk taraf\u0131n\u0131n sava\u015f su\u00e7lar\u0131 konusunda g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc<\/h3>\n

Sava\u015f su\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n cezaland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 konusunda T\u00fcrk taraf\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc neydi? T\u00fcrk taraf\u0131 (gerek \u0130stanbul h\u00fck\u00fcmeti gerek Ankara\u2019da b\u00fcy\u00fcmekte olan milliyet\u00e7i hareket) Cihan Harbi y\u0131llar\u0131nda i\u015flenmi\u015f katliamlar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kabul ediyor ama cezaland\u0131rman\u0131n bi\u00e7imi konusunda farkl\u0131 bir tutum tak\u0131n\u0131yordu. T\u00fcrk taraf\u0131na g\u00f6re cezaland\u0131rma asla ve asla kolektif yani Osmanl\u0131 devletinin egemenlik alanlar\u0131n\u0131n par\u00e7alanmas\u0131 bi\u00e7iminde olmamal\u0131, sadece bu su\u00e7u i\u015fleyen \u0130ttihat ve Terakki y\u00f6neticileri ve h\u00fck\u00fcmet \u00fcyeleriyle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 olmal\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Gerek Sadrazam Damat Ferit gerekse Mustafa Kemal, \u00fclkeyi sava\u015fa sokan ve cinayetleri i\u015fleyenlerin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir hizbin \u00fcyeleri oldu\u011funda hemfikirdiler ve bu y\u00fczden T\u00fcrk milletinin sorumlu tutulup T\u00fcrklerin kolektif cezaland\u0131r\u0131lmalar\u0131n\u0131 do\u011fru bulmuyorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n

\"\"Damat Ferit, Meclis k\u00fcrs\u00fcs\u00fcnden, \u201cbir iki serseri\u201d y\u00fcz\u00fcnden bir millet sorumlu tutulamaz, \u201cmasum T\u00fcrk milleti \u015faibei zul\u00fcmden muarrad\u0131r (ar\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, temizdir),\u201d diyordu.[9]<\/a><\/span>\u00a0Damat Ferit bu tavr\u0131n\u0131 Paris Bar\u0131\u015f G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerinde de devam ettirdi. \u201cB\u00fct\u00fcn su\u00e7 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a, Almanya\u2019yla ittifaklar\u0131 ve ordu\u00adyu kontrolleri sayesinde T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de kendileri d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda herkesi ter\u00f6rize edip boyun e\u011fdi\u00adren \u0130ttihat ve Terakki\u2019nin bir avu\u00e7 liderine aittir.\u201d[10]<\/a><\/span>\u00a0Ve \u201cOsmanl\u0131 H\u00fck\u00fcmeti \u0130mparatorlu\u011fun par\u00e7alanmas\u0131n\u0131 ya da de\u011fi\u015fik mandalar alt\u0131nda b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesini kabul etmeyecektir.\u201d[11]<\/a><\/span>\u00a0M\u00fcttefik kuvvetler ise Damat Ferit\u2019e verdikleri yaz\u0131l\u0131 cevapta, T\u00fcrklerin kolektif sorumluluklar\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izerek; \u201cT\u00fcrk halk\u0131 hi\u00e7 bir gerek\u00e7esiz Ermenileri katlederek su\u00e7lu duruma d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bunun i\u00e7in sorumlulu\u011fu da b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle T\u00fcrk halk\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131layacakt\u0131r,\u201d derler.[12]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Ankara ve \u0130stanbul\u2019un konu hakk\u0131ndaki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri en net olarak 20-22 Ekim 1919\u2019de aralar\u0131nda imzalad\u0131klar\u0131 Amasya Protokolleri ve buna haz\u0131rl\u0131k i\u00e7in yapt\u0131klar\u0131 yaz\u0131\u015fmalarda dile getirildi. Ana konu, Osmanl\u0131 Anayasas\u0131\u2019na g\u00f6re yap\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken meclis se\u00e7imleriydi. Mustafa Kemal, 10 Ekim 1919\u2019da \u0130stanbul\u2019a g\u00f6nderdi\u011fi bir telgrafta, \u201cmemleketi harapl\u0131\u011fa s\u00fcr\u00fckleyen\u201d as\u0131l sorumlular\u0131 \u201c\u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131lardan\u2026 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir hizip\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131ktan sonra, \u201charp esnas\u0131nda g\u00f6sterilen k\u00f6t\u00fc idarelerin meydana \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131l\u0131p cezaland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131\u201d gerekti\u011fini savundu. Hatta ona g\u00f6re bu cezaland\u0131rma \u201ck\u00e2\u011f\u0131t \u00fczerinde reklam\u201d olarak de\u011fil, \u201cbilfiil tatbikat\u0131yla dosta d\u00fc\u015fmana g\u00f6sterilmesi\u201d bi\u00e7iminde olmal\u0131yd\u0131.[13]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Amasya\u2019da be\u015f ayr\u0131 protokol imzaland\u0131 ve birinci protokolde \u201cTehcir dolay\u0131s\u0131yla su\u00e7 i\u015flemi\u015f olanlar\u0131n yasal olarak cezaland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 adalet ve politika a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00e7ok gereklidir\u201d dendi. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc protokol ise Ermeni k\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 nedeniyle aranan \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n yap\u0131lacak se\u00e7imlere kat\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n engellenmesinin \u015fart oldu\u011fu karar\u0131d\u0131r.[14]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"T\u00fcrk taraf\u0131n\u0131n cezaland\u0131rmalar konusundaki tutumunu belirleyen, Paris Bar\u0131\u015f G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri\u2019nden olumlu sonu\u00e7 elde etme \u00fcmididir. Zaten 1918\u2019den itibaren \u0130stanbul\u2019da bulunan i\u015fgal kuvvetleri g\u00f6revlileri, T\u00fcrk yetkililere her f\u0131rsatta e\u011fer katliam sorumlular\u0131 hakk\u0131nda soru\u015fturma yapmazlarsa T\u00fcrkler hakk\u0131nda \u201cverilecek h\u00fckm\u00fcn pek vahim\u201d olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrekli olarak hat\u0131rlatmaktad\u0131rlar.[15]<\/a><\/span>\u00a0Amasya Protokolleri g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerinde bu durum a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ifade edilir. \u0130tilaf Devletleri\u2019nin \u0130ttihat ve Terakki\u2019nin aleyhinde oldu\u011fu ve bu konularda bir \u015feylerin karara ba\u011flanmamas\u0131 durumunun \u201ckonferansa (Paris) fena tesir edece\u011fi\u201d, bunun \u201cvatan i\u00e7in bir felaket olabilece\u011fi\u201d ve \u201caleyhimizde vukubulacak itirazat ve m\u00fcdahalata\u201d engel olmak gerekti\u011fi gibi nedenler a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a dile getirilir.[16]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00d6zetle, \u201cT\u00fcrk\u201d taraf\u0131n\u0131n istedi\u011fi, cezaland\u0131rman\u0131n Anadolu\u2019nun payla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 bi\u00e7iminde olma\u00admas\u0131, Almanya ve Bulgaristan\u2019la yap\u0131lan t\u00fcrden, devletin mevcut s\u0131n\u0131rla\u00adr\u0131na dokunmayan bir anla\u015fman\u0131n yap\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r.[17]<\/a><\/span>\u00a0T\u00fcrk taraf\u0131n\u0131n tutumunu, \u201cOsmanl\u0131 devletinin 1918 Ekim s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 itibariyle egemenlik hakk\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131y\u0131n, biz de \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131 katilleri yarg\u0131layal\u0131m\u201d bi\u00e7iminde \u00f6zetleyebiliriz. Hatta \u0130stanbul\u2019da bir Divan-\u0131 Harbi \u00f6rfi kuruldu ve Ermeni soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 su\u00e7lular\u0131n\u0131n yarg\u0131lamalar\u0131 da ba\u015flad\u0131. 1920 itibariyle toplam 200\u2019\u00fcn \u00fcst\u00fcnde san\u0131k hakk\u0131nda 60 civar\u0131nda ayr\u0131 dava a\u00e7\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Yarg\u0131lananlardan 3 ki\u015fi de idam edilmi\u015f bulunuyordu. Ama ba\u015fta \u0130ngiltere, M\u00fcttefik kuvvetler T\u00fcrklerin bu \u00f6nerisini kabul etmedi. Toprak payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 bi\u00e7imindeki kolektif cezaland\u0131rmay\u0131 esas alan Sevr tek se\u00e7enek olarak sunuldu.[18]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Birinci Divan-\u0131 Harbi \u00d6rfi: Ermeni katliam\u0131 su\u00e7lular\u0131 ile Sevr\u2019e itiraz edenler yarg\u0131lan\u0131yor<\/h3>\n

Sevr Antla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n h\u00fck\u00fcmleri Mart 1920 ile \u015fekillenmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ayn\u0131 ay, \u0130stanbul antla\u015fman\u0131n \u015fartlar\u0131n\u0131 yerine getirilebilmesi i\u00e7in i\u015fgal edildi. Sevr Antla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019n\u0131 kabul etmeyen Ankara milliyet\u00e7ileri, \u0130stanbul\u2019da g\u0131yaben yarg\u0131lanmaya ba\u015fland\u0131. Ve ba\u015fta Mustafa Kemal olmak \u00fczere 100\u2019e yak\u0131n milliyet\u00e7i idama mahk\u00fbm edildi. \u00d6nemli olan husus \u015fu idi: Mustafa Kemal ve arkada\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 idama mahk\u00fbm eden mahkeme, Ermeni soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 su\u00e7lular\u0131n\u0131 da yarg\u0131layan ve idam cezalar\u0131 veren mahkemeydi. B\u00f6ylece Bir Numaral\u0131 S\u0131k\u0131y\u00f6netim Mahkemesi iki ayr\u0131 \u015feyin ayn\u0131 anda sembol\u00fc oldu ve Osmanl\u0131 devletinin toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc savunanlarla Ermeni soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 su\u00e7lular\u0131 ayn\u0131 kefeye konmu\u015f oldu. Egemenlik hakk\u0131yla insan haklar\u0131 ve adalet aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n ayn\u0131 mahkemede \u00e7ak\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn tarihi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 olacakt\u0131r.[19]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"Birinci do\u011frudan sonu\u00e7, T\u00fcrk milliyet\u00e7ilerinin, sava\u015f su\u00e7lular\u0131n\u0131n cezaland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na verdikleri deste\u011fin Anadolu\u2019nun b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesini engellemedi\u011fini ve ancak kendi yarg\u0131lanmala ve cezaland\u0131r\u0131lmalar\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmeleri oldu. Milliyet\u00e7iler, \u0130stanbul yarg\u0131lanmalar\u0131na a\u00e7\u0131ktan tav\u0131r ald\u0131lar. Mustafa Kemal\u2019in 12 A\u011fustos 1920\u2019de \u0130stanbul\u2019a yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir mektup bu konudaki tutum de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fini g\u00f6stermesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan olduk\u00e7a \u00f6nemlidir. Mektup, iki Osmanl\u0131 g\u00f6revlisinin, katliam su\u00e7u nedeniyle temmuz ve a\u011fustosta idam edimeleri vesilesiyle ve do\u011frudan \u0130ngiliz kararg\u00e2h\u0131na iletilmesi iste\u011fiyle kaleme al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Mustafa Kemal mektupta, \u201cOsmanl\u0131 H\u00fck\u00fcmeti… art\u0131k hi\u00e7bir anlam\u0131 kalmam\u0131\u015f s\u00fcrg\u00fcn ve k\u0131r\u0131m iddialar\u0131yla vatan \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n\u0131 ast\u0131rmaya devam ediyor\u201d der.[20]<\/a><\/span>\u00a0Mektuptaki dil \u00e7ok \u00f6nemlidir, bu tarihe kadar \u201csu\u00e7lular veya katiller\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlananlar art\u0131k \u201cvatan evlad\u0131\u201d olarak adland\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r. Ve Ankara bu t\u00fcr idamlara ancak \u201canlam\u0131 olmas\u0131\u201d ko\u015fuluyla taraftar oldu\u011funu, anlams\u0131z idamlar\u0131n ise art\u0131k durdurulmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini s\u00f6ylemektedir. Ger\u00e7ekten de Sevr imzalanm\u0131\u015f, Osmanl\u0131 egemenli\u011fi tan\u0131nmam\u0131\u015f ve Osmanl\u0131 topraklar\u0131 farkl\u0131 uluslar aras\u0131nda payla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu nedenle Mustafa Kemal i\u00e7in bu idamlar anlams\u0131zd\u0131 ve durdurulmas\u0131 gerekiyordu. Ger\u00e7ekten de idamlar duracak ve sava\u015f d\u00f6nemi katliamlar\u0131n\u0131n yarg\u0131lanmas\u0131 t\u00fcm \u00f6nemini kaybedecektir.<\/p>\n

\"\"\u00d6te yandan ne Sevr\u2019de s\u00f6z verilen Uluslararas\u0131 Ceza Mahkemesi kuruldu ne de i\u015flenen cinayetler konusunda bireysel yarg\u0131lamalar yap\u0131ld\u0131. Ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen sadece Osmanl\u0131 devletinin par\u00e7alanmas\u0131 bi\u00e7imindeki kolektif cezaland\u0131rmayd\u0131. 1923\u2019de Lozan Antla\u015fmas\u0131 ile sava\u015f s\u0131ras\u0131nda i\u015flenen t\u00fcm su\u00e7lara af geldi. Af maddesi \u201cinsanl\u0131k su\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n yarg\u0131lanmas\u0131\u201d veya \u201cadalet aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n\u201d \u00fcst\u00fcne \u00f6rt\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f bir \u00e7imento gibiydi ve Sevr ile Lozan\u2019\u0131n sadece \u201ctoprak ve s\u0131n\u0131r\u201d sava\u015f\u0131 oldu\u011fu alg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 per\u00e7inledi.<\/p>\n

\u0130ddiam \u015fudur ki, e\u011fer Bat\u0131l\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7ler, Ankara milliyet\u00e7i hareketinin Misak-\u0131 Milli konusundaki taleplerini ciddiye alsalar ve ama bunun ko\u015fulu olarak da adalet aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 do\u011frultusunda \u201cinsanl\u0131k su\u00e7u\u201d i\u015flemi\u015f olanlar\u0131n yarg\u0131lanmas\u0131 \u015fart\u0131n\u0131 ko\u015fmu\u015f olsalard\u0131, bug\u00fcn \u00e7ok daha ba\u015fka bir tarih anlat\u0131yor olacakt\u0131k. Bu iki boyutun birbirinin i\u00e7ine sokulmas\u0131d\u0131r ki, Sevr ve Lozan s\u00fcrecine damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuran \u201cinsanl\u0131k su\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n yarg\u0131lanmas\u0131\u201d ve \u201cadalet aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131\u201d boyutu unutulmaya mahk\u00fbm etti. E\u011fer bug\u00fcn b\u00f6lgede bar\u0131\u015f ve demokrasi \u00f6zleniyorsa, Sevr ve Lozan tarihinin sadece bir toprak ve payla\u015f\u0131m tarihi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, ayn\u0131 zamanda bir adalet aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 tarihi de oldu\u011funun g\u00f6r\u00fclmesi ve kavranmas\u0131 gerekiyor.<\/p>\n

Nazi Almanyas\u0131 ve Morgenthau Plan\u0131<\/h3>\n

Burada ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclen tezi Almanya \u00f6rne\u011fiyle a\u00e7\u0131klamak \u00e7ok ayd\u0131nlat\u0131c\u0131 olacakt\u0131r. 1944\u2019te sava\u015f\u0131n Almanya aleyhine sonu\u00e7lanaca\u011f\u0131 belli oldu\u011funda, ABD y\u00f6netimi, Almanya\u2019n\u0131n gelece\u011fiyle ilgili bir plan haz\u0131rlad\u0131. \u201cMorgenthau Plan\u0131\u201d olarak bilinen bu plan\u0131n amac\u0131 Almanya\u2019y\u0131 ekonomik olarak zay\u0131flatmak ve bunun i\u00e7in de \u00e7e\u015fitli ufak devletlere b\u00f6lmekti. Plana g\u00f6re baz\u0131 topraklar Polonya, Fransa ve Danimarka\u2019ya verilecek, end\u00fcstri b\u00f6lgesi Ruhr uluslararas\u0131 denetime b\u0131rak\u0131lacak ve geri kalan topraklarda \u00fc\u00e7 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Alman devleti kurulacakt\u0131. Ama\u00e7, iki d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131na yol a\u00e7an Almanya\u2019n\u0131n ileride yeni sald\u0131rganl\u0131k yapmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7mek olarak tan\u0131mlan\u0131yordu.[21]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Plan\u0131n bas\u0131na s\u0131zmas\u0131 \u00fczerine Nazi Propaganda Bakan\u0131 Goebbels hi\u00e7 vakit kaybetmedi. Plan\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck bir f\u0131rsat olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc ve Alman direni\u015fini art\u0131rmak i\u00e7in \u00e7ok iyi bi\u00e7imde kulland\u0131.[22]<\/a><\/span>\u00a0Nitekim Amerikan generaller, sava\u015f alan\u0131ndan plan\u0131n Alman direni\u015fini kuvvetlendirdi\u011fini rapor ettiler. Onlara g\u00f6re Morgenthau Plan\u0131 \u201cAlmanlar i\u00e7in otuz t\u00fcmen de\u011ferinde\u201d idi. Sava\u015f d\u00f6nemi casusluk faaliyetlerini \u00f6rg\u00fctlemek amac\u0131yla kurulan Stratejik Hizmetler Dairesi (Office of Strategic Service-OSS) 1 Aral\u0131k 1944\u2019te Roosevelt\u2019e \u00e7ekti\u011fi bir telgrafta, plan\u0131n \u201chalk\u0131 ve Nazileri tekrar bir araya getirdi\u011fi\u201d bilgisini verdi. Goebbels \u201cvatanda\u015flar\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131n Almanya\u2019y\u0131 k\u00f6lele\u015ftirmeyi planlad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 siyah ve beyaz olarak kan\u0131tlamay\u0131\u201d ba\u015farm\u0131\u015f ve bu da \u201cAlmanlar\u0131n sava\u015fmaya devam etmesine\u201d yaram\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc art\u0131k \u201cmesele bir rejim meselesi de\u011fil, vatan\u0131n kendisidir ve bunu kurtarmak i\u00e7in ister Nazi ister muhalefet \u00fcyesi olsun, her Alman bu \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131ya uymak zorundad\u0131r\u201d.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Henry Morgenthau, Franklin Roosevelt’le birlikte. Sa\u011fda Morgenthau plan\u0131n\u0131n kitapla\u015fm\u0131\u015f hali (1945). Kitaptan 1.000 n\u00fcsha, i\u015fgal alt\u0131ndaki Almanya’da bulunan Amerikan askeri yetkililerine de g\u00f6nderilmi\u015fti.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Geli\u015fmelerin Sevr \u00f6ncesi ve sonras\u0131 s\u00fcreci hat\u0131rlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tekrar etmek gereksizdir. Bir farkla ki, Almanya\u2019y\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck devletlere b\u00f6lmeyi hedefleyen Morgenthau Plan\u0131 k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede terk edildi. Bunda, Roosevelt\u2019i bu planla sava\u015f\u0131 uzatmakla su\u00e7layan muhalefetin oldu\u011fu kadar, h\u00fck\u00fcmet \u00fcyelerinin ciddi kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n da pay\u0131 oldu. D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakan\u0131 Cordell Hull ve Savunma Bakan\u0131 Henry Stimson, Almanya\u2019n\u0131n par\u00e7alanmas\u0131 plan\u0131na sadece kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmakla kalmad\u0131lar, plan\u0131 bas\u0131na s\u0131zd\u0131rarak erken \u00f6lmesini sa\u011flad\u0131lar. Stimson\u2019un 5 Eyl\u00fcl 1944\u2019te Roosevelt\u2019e yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 mektup konumuz a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131nda \u00e7ok \u00f6\u011freticidir. Stimson\u2019a g\u00f6re Almanya\u2019y\u0131 b\u00f6lme plan\u0131 \u201cher t\u00fcrl\u00fc acil g\u00fcvenlik avantaj\u0131ndan \u00e7ok daha fazla gerilim ve k\u0131zg\u0131nl\u0131k yarataca(k)\u201d ve \u201cNazilerin su\u00e7lulu\u011funu, doktrinlerinin ve eylemlerinin ac\u0131mas\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 gizleme\u201d sonucunu do\u011furacakt\u0131r. Stimson, bir kolektif cezaland\u0131rma olan par\u00e7alama plan\u0131 yerine, \u201c\u00f6ncelikle t\u00fcm Nazi liderlerinin ve Gestapo gibi Nazi ter\u00f6rizm sisteminin ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n kapsaml\u0131 bir \u015fekilde yakalanmas\u0131, soru\u015fturulmas\u0131 ve yarg\u0131lanmas\u0131, cezalar\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funca \u00e7abuk, h\u0131zl\u0131 ve a\u011f\u0131r bir \u015fekilde verilmesi\u201d \u00f6nerisinde bulundu. Bu yarg\u0131lamalar sayesinde, \u201cd\u00fcnyan\u0131n b\u00f6yle bir sistemden duydu\u011fu tiksinti g\u00f6sterebilir\u201d idi. \u00d6zetle a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k, \u201c\u00f6nleyici ve e\u011fitici bir cezaland\u0131rma sistemine\u201d verilmeli ve b\u00f6lme gibi \u201ctehlikeli bir silah(a)\u201d ba\u015fvurulmamal\u0131yd\u0131.[23]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Potsdam Konferans\u0131\u2019nda art\u0131k Almanya\u2019n\u0131n i\u015fgalinin amac\u0131n\u0131n par\u00e7alama olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, aksine, \u201cAlman siyasi ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n demokratik bir temelde yeniden in\u015fas\u0131 ve Almanya\u2019n\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 ya\u015famda bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l bir \u015fekilde i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapmas\u0131na haz\u0131rl\u0131k yapmak oldu\u011fu\u201d ilkesi belirlendi ve Almanya i\u00e7in bir tazminat plan\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kland\u0131. Ba\u015fkan Truman\u2019a g\u00f6re bu plan\u0131n amac\u0131, \u201cAlmanya\u2019n\u0131n sayg\u0131n bir ulus haline gelmesini ve uygar d\u00fcnyadaki yerini almas\u0131n\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lmakt\u0131\u201d.[24]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Nazi katliamlar\u0131 konusunda tak\u0131n\u0131lacak tav\u0131r ne olmal\u0131d\u0131r, ekseninde yap\u0131lan bu tart\u0131\u015fmalar bize Sevr-Lozan d\u00f6neminden yap\u0131lan tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 hat\u0131rlatmaktad\u0131r ve sanki Sevr-Lozan tarihinden ders al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f gibidir. Bug\u00fcn \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 ve cinayetler \u00fczerine konu\u015fuldu\u011funda kimse toprak ve s\u0131n\u0131r meselelerini merkeze alm\u0131\u015f Morgenthau Plan\u0131\u2019n\u0131 konu\u015fmuyor. Soyk\u0131r\u0131m su\u00e7lular\u0131n\u0131n yarg\u0131land\u0131\u011f\u0131 N\u00fcrnberg, ya\u015fananlar\u0131n sembol\u00fc gibidir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ise ba\u015fta Ermeni soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 olmak \u00fczere sava\u015f d\u00f6nemi katliamlar\u0131 sadece ink\u00e2r edilmiyor, soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n planlay\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131 ulusal kahraman muamelesi g\u00f6r\u00fcyorlard\u0131. Savunma Bakan\u0131 Stimson\u2019un \u201cAlmanya\u2019y\u0131 b\u00f6lerseniz, Nazileri ulusal kurtulu\u015f\u00e7ular olarak selamlars\u0131n\u0131z\u201d \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcs\u00fc T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in yerine gelmi\u015f gibidir.<\/p>\n

\u0130lk Sonu\u00e7<\/h3>\n

Sonu\u00e7ta, Sevr ve Lozan s\u00fcrecini insan haklar\u0131 ve adalet aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 eksenli hat\u0131rlama ve anlatma \u015fans\u0131 kaybedildi. Ve Sevr-Lozan bug\u00fcn bile sadece toprak ve payla\u015f\u0131m sava\u015f\u0131 olarak konu\u015fulur oldu. E\u011fer d\u00f6nemin akt\u00f6rleri, t\u0131pk\u0131 \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 benzeri bir tutum tak\u0131nsalard\u0131, bizler bug\u00fcn ba\u015fka bir tarih anlat\u0131yor olacakt\u0131k. Bug\u00fcn, tarihin sadece \u201ctoprak ve s\u0131n\u0131r sava\u015f\u0131\u201d olarak anlat\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n tek nedeni, o d\u00f6nemin akt\u00f6rlerinin tercihlerini bu y\u00f6nde yapm\u0131\u015f olmalar\u0131yd\u0131. O halde bize d\u00fc\u015fen, bize tarihi nas\u0131l okumam\u0131z ve buna ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak da gelece\u011fi nas\u0131l g\u00f6rmemiz gerekti\u011fini g\u00f6steren atalar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n o so\u011fuk ellerinden kendimizi kurtarmakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

NOTLAR:<\/strong><\/h4>\n

[1]<\/a>\u00a0H\u00e2kimiyet-i Milliye, 5 Temmuz 1336 (1920), numara: 43, s. 4.<\/em><\/p>\n

[2]<\/a>\u00a0Bilal \u015eim\u015fir,\u00a0Malta S\u00fcrg\u00fcnleri, (Ankara: Bilgi Kitabevi, 1985) , s.15.<\/em><\/p>\n

[3]<\/a>\u00a0Tar\u0131k Zafer Tunaya,T\u00fcrkiye’de Siyasal Partiler, M\u00fctareke D\u00f6nemi, Cilt II, (\u0130stanbul: H\u00fcrriyet Vakf\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 1986), s. 27.<\/em><\/p>\n

[4]<\/a>\u00a0W. Woodsward and R. Butler (ed.),\u00a0Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919-1936, Band 4, First Se\u00adries, (Her Majesty\u2019s Stationery Office, 1<\/span>952), s. 661.<\/em><\/p>\n

[5]<\/a>\u00a0Le Temps, Journal des D\u00e9bats\u00a0(2 Kas\u0131m 1918) gazetelerin\u00adden aktaran, Yahya Aky\u00fcz, T\u00fcrk Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131 ve Frans\u0131z Ka\u00admuoyu, 1919-1921, (Ankara: T\u00fcrk Tarih Kurumu, 1988), s. 70<\/em><\/p>\n

[6]<\/a>\u00a0Richard G. Hovannisian, \u201cThe Allies and Armenia 1915-18\u201d,\u00a0Journal of Contemporary History, Bd 3 (1968), s. 148<\/em><\/p>\n

[7]<\/a>\u00a0FO 371\/4173\/53351, folios 192-93<\/em><\/p>\n

[8]<\/a>\u00a0Sevr antla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n tam metni i\u00e7in\u00a0buraya<\/a>\u00a0(\u0130ngilizce) ve\u00a0buraya<\/a>\u00a0(T\u00fcrk\u00e7e) t\u0131klayabilirsiniz.<\/em><\/p>\n

[9]<\/a>\u00a0Meclisi Ayan Zab\u0131t Ceridesi, Devre 3, \u0130\u00e7tima Senesi 5, 1. Cilt, s. 122, TBMM Bas\u0131mevi, Ankara 1990<\/em><\/p>\n

[10]<\/a>\u00a0Paul C. Helmreich,\u00a0From Paris to S\u00e9vres, (Columbos, OH: Ohio State University Press,1974), s. 109<\/em><\/p>\n

[11]<\/a>\u00a0a.g.e.<\/em><\/p>\n

[12]<\/a>\u00a0Paul C. Helmreich, a.g.e, s. 110.<\/em><\/p>\n

[13]<\/a>\u00a0Sina Ak\u015fin,\u00a0\u0130stanbul H\u00fck\u00fcmetleri ve Milli M\u00fccadele, Son Me\u015frutiyet (1919-1921), Cilt II, (\u0130stanbul: Cem Yay\u0131nevi, 1992), s. 166-67.<\/em><\/p>\n

[14]<\/a>\u00a0G. M. Kemal,\u00a0Nutuk, Cilt III, Vesika 159 ve 160, (\u0130stanbul: Devlet Matbaas\u0131, 1934) s. 193-4<\/em><\/p>\n

[15]<\/a>\u00a0Ali Fuat T\u00fcrkgeldi, G\u00f6r\u00fcp \u0130\u015fittiklerim, (Ankara: T\u00fcrk Tarih Kurumu,1987) s. 186.<\/em><\/p>\n

[16]<\/a>\u00a0G. M. Kemal, a.g.e.<\/em><\/p>\n

[17]<\/a>\u00a02 Ekim 1920’de M. Kemal’in Padi\u015faha yollad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yaz\u0131dan, a.g.e., Vesika 97, s. 94<\/em><\/p>\n

[18]\u00a0<\/a>Yarg\u0131lamalar hakk\u0131nda ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bilgiler i\u00e7in, Vahakn N. Dadrian, Taner Ak\u00e7am,\u00a0\u201cTehcir ve Taktil\u201d Divan-\u0131 Harb-i \u00d6rfi Zab\u0131tlar\u0131,\u00a0\u0130ttihat ve Terakki\u2019nin Yarg\u0131lanmas\u0131 1919-1922, (\u0130stanbul: Bilgi \u00dcniversitesi Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2006).<\/em><\/p>\n

[19]<\/a>\u00a0Mustafa Kemal ve arkada\u015flar\u0131na idam cezalar\u0131 i\u00e7in, bak, a.g.e.<\/em><\/p>\n

[20]<\/a>\u00a0Mektup M\u00fctareke d\u00f6neminin ilk Sadrazam’\u0131 Ahmet \u0130zzet Pa\u015fa’ya, \u0130ngiliz Y\u00fcksek Komiserli\u011fine iletilmesi amac\u0131yla yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bilal \u015eim\u015fir, a.g.e., s. 334.<\/em><\/p>\n

[21]<\/a>\u00a0Plan ve ilgili baz\u0131 yaz\u0131\u015fmalar i\u00e7in bkz.\u00a0TeachingAmericanHistory.org<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n

[22]<\/a>\u00a0Ray, Logan W. \u201cThe Agrarian Road to Peace: Henry Morgenthau\u2019s Post-War Planning for Germany.\u201d Armstrong Undergraduate Journal of History 12, no. 1 (Jan. 2022).<\/em><\/p>\n

[23]<\/a>\u00a0Mektubun tam metni i\u00e7in bkz.\u00a0TeachingAmericanHistory.org<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n

[24]<\/a>\u00a0John L. Osteen, Future US Policy toward the Reunification of Germany, (Pennsylvania: US Army War College, 1966), 9-11.<\/em><\/p>\n

ED\u0130T\u00d6R\u00dcN NOTU:<\/strong><\/h4>\n

Bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n eski bir versiyonu, 1998 y\u0131l\u0131nda\u00a0Birikim\u00a0dergisinde<\/a>\u00a0yay\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/em><\/p>\n

https:\/\/www.k24kitap.org\/tartisma\/2023te-sevr-ve-lozanin-ezberlenmis-hikayesi-degismek-zorunda-4404?fbclid=IwAR3WW5r_HU8rxM9SxtBmAFty695kD-dTRAeudddqCysxQrvijyRgXNzmg3Y<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u201c100. y\u0131l\u0131 boyunca Cumhuriyetin kurulu\u015f ta\u015flar\u0131 olan Sevr ve Lozan \u00fczerine \u00e7ok \u015fey s\u00f6ylendi. Burada, bug\u00fcne kadar okuduklar\u0131n\u0131zdan farkl\u0131 bir tez dile getirilerek Sevr ve Lozan\u2019\u0131n bug\u00fcne kadar herkes\u00e7e bilinir ve ezberlenmi\u015f hik\u00e2yesinin art\u0131k de\u011fi\u015fmesinin \u015fart oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenecek. Hatta demokratik ve insan haklar\u0131na sayg\u0131 duyan bir gelecek i\u00e7in Sevr ve Lozan\u2019a ili\u015fkin bildiklerinizin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda yeni […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":7,"featured_media":77356,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1,70,20],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-77355","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-haberler","category-makaleler","category-tarih-sayfalari"],"yoast_head":"\n2023\u2019te Sevr ve Lozan\u2019\u0131n ezberlenmi\u015f hik\u00e2yesi de\u011fi\u015fmek zorunda - Bati Ermenistan Ve Bati Ermenileri Sorunlari Ara\u015ftirmalar Merkezi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/akunq.net\/tr\/?p=77355\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"2023\u2019te Sevr ve Lozan\u2019\u0131n ezberlenmi\u015f hik\u00e2yesi de\u011fi\u015fmek zorunda - Bati Ermenistan Ve Bati Ermenileri Sorunlari Ara\u015ftirmalar Merkezi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"\u201c100. y\u0131l\u0131 boyunca Cumhuriyetin kurulu\u015f ta\u015flar\u0131 olan Sevr ve Lozan \u00fczerine \u00e7ok \u015fey s\u00f6ylendi. Burada, bug\u00fcne kadar okuduklar\u0131n\u0131zdan farkl\u0131 bir tez dile getirilerek Sevr ve Lozan\u2019\u0131n bug\u00fcne kadar herkes\u00e7e bilinir ve ezberlenmi\u015f hik\u00e2yesinin art\u0131k de\u011fi\u015fmesinin \u015fart oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenecek. 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